商科英文论文发表

网上那么多journal自己拿来做参考嘛essay无非就是论点论证论据首节提观点然后分章节写论证，用论据来证明多看看JOURNAL然后PARAPHRESE一下就好了啊

商科一般论文级别要求不严格，倒是对你的工作经验有一定的要求

我有商务谈判用语特点及翻译.你可以留邮箱，或在我空间里留言。是英语的可以吧？

英国商科论文写作技巧：一、商科论文写作准备工作1、同学要仔细选择论文主题，花些时间分析论文题目，准确地理解题目要求解决的问题。英国商科论文题目中经常会出现一些关键词，例如：discuss, illustrate, analyze, compare, review, criticise, describe, examine,explain, interpret。使用这些关键词，可以让论文主旨更加明确。2、构建论文大纲为组织论点和主要观点提供指导。一个详细的写作大纲可以保证同学在写引言、主体和结论的时候，论点和关键点是按照逻辑顺序呈现的。当同学开始撰写论文初稿时，可以按照大纲安排论文结构。

二、商科论文写作结构安排1、引言：概述你对论文问题的理解，并说明你将如何解决这个问题。明确论文的目的，明确你得出结论的目的是什么。2、背景：介绍论文主题所涉及的背景理论。例如，同学正在做一个案例研究，就要介绍相关企业的背景。3、结果：详细分析主题，批判性地研究来自不同作者的观点，这可以提供一个理性的辩论，以涵盖相互冲突的论点和方法。此外，同学必须通过给出你的个人意见来证明你的独立思考。4、结论：同学的最终结论应该确保你已经明确表达了你的观点，并回答了在引言中提出的问题。可以用这一部分来表达对进一步研究或行动的建议。最后，记得要附上参考书目和附录。

英国读书的小伙伴们都知道商科论文难度很高，通过率都很难了，就别说拿高分。

而英国的毕业论文Dissertation对许多同学来说的确是一件非常头疼的事，要写好需要注意的问题有很多，格式、内容、deadline等等每一个环节都不能有问题。我们总结了一下写英国商科毕业论文的方法，如果还是有不清楚的地方可以联系我们哦<英伦译制社>。

商科论文大致可以分以下这几种类型

去图书馆找相关资料，做好研究，不要抄书。实在还是不行，花钱请人做

I HAVE A DREAM 我有一个梦想 如下：Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" 几年前，一位伟大的美国人，在其象征的阴影我们签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令是一个伟大的指路明灯的希望数以百万计的黑人奴隶谁已经烙在火焰枯萎不公正。这是一个欢乐的黎明，结束漫漫长夜的囚禁。但是，百年之后，我们必须面对的悲惨事实，即黑人仍然没有自由。 一百多年后，生活的黑人仍是可悲的残废了手铐的隔离和歧视的锁链。一百多年后，黑人生活在一个孤独的岛屿贫困正处在远隔重洋的物质繁荣。 100年后的今天，黑人仍挣扎在弯道中的美国社会，并认为自己是流亡在自己的土地。 因此，我们今天来到这里，开始表现令人震惊的状况。从某种意义上讲，我们来到我们国家的首都，以现金支票。当我们共和国的缔造者的宏伟话写在宪法和独立宣言，他们签署了期票的每一个美国人是属于继承人。 这说明是一个承诺，所有的人将得到保障不可剥夺的权利，生命权，自由权和追求幸福。很显然，美国今天已经拖欠本本票，因为她的公民的颜色感到关切。不是纪念这一神圣的义务，美国的黑人提供了一个坏的人检查了回来标有“足够的资金。 ”但是，我们拒绝相信，正义是银行破产。我们拒绝认为，没有足够的资金在大拱顶的机会，这个国家。 所以，我们来兑现这张支票-支票这将给予我们的需求财富的自由和安全的正义。我们还来到这个神圣的位置，提醒美国的紧迫性，现在激烈。这是没有时间去从事豪华降温或采取安定药物的渐进。现在是时候