发布时间：
很多外刊杂志其实在国内可以买到，去一些比较大的书店，外刊杂志种类很全。北京王府井外文书店就能买到很多种外刊，像是《The Economist 》，《Times》等等。最推荐买The Economist (经济学人)，Newsweek (新闻周刊)， News and World Report (美国新闻与世界报道)，Times (时代周刊)这四本，考研英语80%的外刊都是出自这里。
而在新开辟的专栏内，安排了六篇关于中国政治、经济、社会等方面的文章，包括云南的烟草与咖啡种植业、政府在经济生活中的角色、房地产行业等等。
考研英语答题顺序：
作答顺序上各有差异，可以按顺序依次作答，可以先完成作文再从头答。时间安排上，阅读和作文占大头，一般来说作文控制在50分钟，阅读控制在60分钟为佳，其实也是看各人，我考试时作文的时间超了，但是阅读做得快，大概45分钟做完。
最好在规划时所有题做完还能剩下15分钟，因为真正考试的时候永远有突发情况，时间抵住了会极其影响发挥。另外，做真题的时候要留一两套卷子来模拟，考前一定一定要全套卷子计时模拟一遍。
以上内容参考百度百科——考研英语
考研阅读基本都是国外杂志挑出来的文章，题源是经济学人、科学等杂志，所以看这些杂志比较合适。文章复习方法：
（1）第一、新题型主要是考察考生对考点空格前后句子关联的把握。因此要很好地把握文章里单句之间的关系，因为这种关系很重要，以方便考察两种题。一是七选五，二是段落排序。
（2）第二、新题型主要是从全局角度考察大家对文章逻辑的把握，要求考生从整体上把握文章的逻辑结构和内容上的联系，理解句子之间、段落之间的关系，对诸如连贯性、一致性等语段特征有较强的意识和熟练的把握，并具备运用语法知识分析和理解长难句的能力。和阅读的Part A部分不一样，新题型可以多做点模拟题目，因为这种题目模拟题与真题的偏差相对会比较小。
（3）第三、要提升考生概括和提炼段落大意的能力。一段文章，总体上讲的是什么？怎么样用简单、简洁的语言把这一段文章的总体意思概括起来，这是段落标题类。在一个段落里面，我们如何把握总体上讲了什么东西，这是我们考生平常阅读里欠缺的一个能力。建议大家多多练习提炼段落大意的能力，可以尝试每次看完一个段落就用简短汉语或者英文把段落主旨写在段落旁边。
做题技巧：
1、浏览选项。浏览选项说的直白些，就是找选项的第一句话，抓关键句中的主题词。这些主题词的词性多以名词、动词为特点。尤其要注意其中的专属名词和标志词。如人名、地名、连接词、数字等。通过这些词我们往往能反推出文章里应该有的内容，如果能找到这样的内容，答案就会十分清楚。因此我们建议大家在浏览选项时，将主题词和信号词找出并划记下来，然后再向下做题。
2、重点排查。有些题目，在看第一遍时，就可以凭知识、阅历选出答案。然后在接下来的题目当中，我们就可以按顺序做题了。你需要重点注意剩下的空格前后都有什么：如果是补充段落，则可能前后都要看;如果要补充的是段首句或小标题，则重点看空格后面;如果补充段尾句或小标题下面的内容，则重点看空格前面。那些有词汇复现的选项要么就是正确答案，要么就是干扰选项。
3、找突破口。一般的选项都会有主题词，但不一定有信号词，所以有信号词的选项往往就是突破口。
4、核实答案。在做完后，要进一步阅读整篇文章。以便检查文章的完整性和逻辑性。完整性和逻辑性较好，则说明答案正确率较高，反之则较低。总言之，整体阅读也是一种重要的解题技巧。
以上内容参考：百度百科-考研英语
考研英语阅读来自经济学人，自然杂志等外刊。百分之80的考研英语阅读来源于经济学人，卫报自然杂志和新闻周刊和科学美国等，考研阅读理解的文章大多为说明文或议论文，其中社会科学是考研英语阅读的主要和重点选材，人文科学的重要性出现上升趋势。
考研英语阅读的技巧
发现考研的题目基本都围绕在文章的各层次主干上，细枝末节上基本没有涉题，于是就会发现，原文几百字的文章，真正需要了解的只有主干的几十字而已，其余的东西都可省，当划去冗余，就会发现几十字的文章骨架基本覆盖所有的问题。
可见对于考研阅读，若要高效正确的征服，必须学会快速分析文章的主干，这就是基于逻辑的阅读，上升到理论层面的阅读模式，用在本科毕业设计中看论文很受用效率很高，速度也很快，再不像以往看文章从头到尾还是云里雾里。
考研英语阅读来源主要有经济学人，时代周刊，科学，华盛顿新闻，福克斯新闻，纽约评论，主要是英美两国核心期刊文章为主。app的话推荐使用可可英语。
明星、职业球员的经纪人叫manager股票经纪人叫broker
START MIDDLEMAN
这个我认为没有什么太大的帮助的，英语的复习要以词汇和真题为主的，如果时间充裕的话看看其它的也可以，但是现在这个时间还是要把重点放在词汇上的，词汇量不够就什么也做不了的，不能怕枯燥，要一直坚持下去才行的长 喜的那个《考研英语 词汇真相》的可以的，是能乱序的看的，记得牢固一点。等积累的差不都了，再开始做题，说的是真题的那个《考研英语历年 真题解析点评》的是行的，每篇题都反复认真的做，仔细的看解析找找重点，再多看阅读的资料，最后准备作文就行了。
a broker; an agent; a manager; a middleman
目前还没有哪个app可以看，可以在网址上搜索：
此外：
《经济学人》（英文名：The Economist，中文名又叫：经济学家）于1843年在英国伦敦建刊，以独立和全球化的视角著称。《经济学人》每周四晚上在世界六个地方同步印刷，每周六全球同步出版，同时于当天晚些时候在网上更新最新一期的内容，4-5期/月。《经济学人》是一本完全国际化期刊，其中80%的发行量来自英国之外。 自建刊以来，《经济学人》一直秉承其创建者James Wilson的办刊原则。在创刊计划书中James Wilson写到：“我们真诚的相信，自由贸易和自由交往在全世界传播文明和道德的作用是其他任何现有的媒介无法比拟的” 。但杂志的第三任主编Walter Bagehot才是使《经济学人》杂志发扬光大的人。他使杂志的触角向政治问题延伸。现在，《经济学人》的文章不仅涉及时势、商业、金融和经济，还涉及到科学、技术和艺术。无论主题是什么，《经济学人》的独立、坦率、简练和尊重事实的品质使其与众不同。 《The Economist》字体底色鲜红，客观公正是《经济学家》杂志的的生命所在。公司的构成禁止任何组织或个人获得杂志半数以上的持股权。该杂志所有的文章都不署名，皆由集体创作，就象它的主编们认为的那样：写出什么样的东西，比出自谁的手笔更重要。 《经济学人》文章除了一些我们不熟悉的题材外，其中的大多数文章写得机智、幽默、有力度。这些优点是任何一家英文主流报刊所不能比拟的。只要你有4000左右的词汇量，读起来都不会有太多的不适应感。官方网址为：。另外，最重要的是历年考研英语阅读真题很多文章来自《经济学人》杂志，这点对要参加考研词友而言太关键了。点击下载：2007年07月21日《经济学人》The Economist原版英文杂志下载注意： 1、以上内容每周一定时更新，更多内容请到这里去下载。 2、以上文件都是PDF格式，需要Adobe Reader 以上版本才能打开，如果打不开说明你的版本太低，点击这里下载Adobe Reader 最新版本！
othing in literature can long s
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
time have been to sift out the
Health careA new prescription for the poor为贫穷者新开的处方America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition“IT’S time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically. At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a determined samba.“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。Comprehensive Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer, is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others seem to agree.经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。Medicaid, America’s health programme for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into “managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive their health-care treatment.公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的 三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。Medicaid is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other than education. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in 2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However, there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.公共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。Enrolment in Medicaid jumped during the downturn, from in December 2007 to in June 2010. Mr Obama’s stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been structural: the expansion of managed care.公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年12月的 4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。States have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the 1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are introducing it. Other states are extending it to people previously deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate. But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。The result is a country with two distinct tiers of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is becoming the norm.结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。Advocates of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。The next step is to integrate care for those eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the old. These “duals” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just 15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove it.”下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October 3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。The outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists they need.道格拉斯 v 独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。The question is how to supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.问题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。“I’m a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.“我是管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关怀。
As fuels, oil and electricity have meaningfully different characteristics OIL shaped the 20th century. In war, the French leader Georges Clemenceau said, petroleum was “as vital as blood”. In peace the oil business dominated stock markets, bankrolled despots and propped up the economies of entire countries. But the 21st century will see oil’s influence wane. Cheap natural gas, renewable energy, electric vehicles and coordinated efforts to tackle global warming together mean that the power source of choice will be electricity. That is welcome. The electricity era will diminish the clout of the $2trn oil trade, reduce the choke points that have made oil a source of global tension, put energy production into local hands and make power more accessible to the poor. It will also make the world cleaner and safer—reassuringly dull, even. The trouble is getting from here to there. Not just oil producers, but everyone else, too, may find the transition perilous . bankroll: to supply money for ( a business, project, person, etc.) despot: a ruler who has total power and who often uses that power in cruel and unfair ways perilous: full of danger: dangerous 石油早就了20世纪，在战争年代，石油就像血液一样重要；在和平年代，它掌控着经济命脉... Oil and electricity are a study in contrasts (see our special report). Oil is a wonder fuel, packed with more energy by weight than coal and by volume than natural gas (both still the main sources of electricity). It is easy to ship, store and turn into myriad refined products, from petrol to plastics to pharmaceuticals. But it is found only in specific places favoured by geology. Its production is concentrated in a few hands, and its oligopolistic suppliers—from the Seven Sisters to OPEC and Russia—have consistently attempted to drip-feed it on to the market to keep prices and cartelisation make oil prone to crises and the governments of oil-rich states prone to corruption and abuse. 石油有很多的优点，很容易运输，储存和合成其他产品... from petrol to plastics to pharmaceuticals 记住这个表达 但石油只产在某几个国家与地区，就让这些国家形成了垄断... Different kettles of fuel Electricity is less user-friendly than oil. It is hard to store, it loses its oomph when shipped over long distances, and its transmission and distribution require hands-on regulation. But in every other way, it promises a more peaceful world. Electricity is hard to monopolise because it can be produced from numerous sources of fuel, from natural gas and nuclear to wind, solar, hydro and biomass . The more these replace coal and oil as fuel for generation, the cleaner it promises to be. Given the right weather conditions, it is abundant geographically, too. Anyone can produce electricity—fromgreener-than-thou Germans to energy-poor Kenyans. oomph: power or energy ( his argument lacks oomph; the truck doesn't have the oomph to haul the boat) 电力能源虽然不如石油方便，但是却不会被某几个国家垄断，很多方法可以产生电力能源：风力，太阳能，氢能等 True, the technologies used to produce electricity from renewable resources, and the rare earths and minerals that some, including solar panels and wind turbines, rely on, could be subject to protectionism and trade wars. China, which produces 85% of the world’s rare earths, sharply tightened export quotas in 2010 with OPEC-like zeal. America and the European Union have slapped tariffs on Chinese solar-panel imports. Yet the vital substances involved in generating and storing electricity are not burned up like oil. Once a stock of them exists it can for the most part be recycled. And, even if today’s output is concentrated, for most materials the planet has undeveloped deposits or substitutes that can thwart a would-be monopolist. Rare earths, for example, are not rare—one of them, cerium , is almost as common as zinc. Electricity also rewards renewables are intermittent , regional grids are needed to ship electricity from where it is plentiful to where it is not. This could replicate the pipeline politics that Russia engages in with its natural-gas shipments to Europe. More likely, as grids are interconnected so as to diversify supply, more interdependent countries will conclude that manipulating the market is self-defeating. After all, unlike gas, you cannot keep electricity in the ground. thwart: to prevent someone from doing something or to stop something from happening intermittent: starting, stopping, and starting again: not constant or steady An electric world is therefore getting there will be hard, for two reasons. First, as rents dry up, authoritarian oil-dependent governments could collapse. Few will miss them, but their passing could cause social unrest and strife. Oil producers had a taste of what is to come when the price plunged in 2014-16, which led to deep, and unpopular, austerity measures. Saudi Arabia and Russia have temporarily stopped the rot by curtailing production and pushing oil prices higher, as part of an“OPEC+” agreement. They need high prices to buy time to wean their economies off oil. But the higher the oil price, the greater the incentive for energy-thirsty behemoths like China and India to invest in renewable-powered electrification to give themselves cheaper and more secure supplies. Should the producers’ alliance crumble in the face of a long-term decline in demand for oil, prices could once again tumble, this time for good. wean: to start feeding ( a child or young animal) food other than its mother's milk 从石油能源时代转换到电力能源时代是一个艰难的过程，第一个难点就是石油价格下降的话，这些产油国就会产生动荡和冲突... That will lead to the second danger: the fallout for investors in oil assets. America’s frackers need only look at the country’s woebegone coalminers to catch a glimpse of their fate in a distant post-oil future. The International Energy Agency, a forecaster, reckons that, if action to limit global warming to below 2°C accelerates in coming years,$1trn of oil assets could be stranded, ie, rendered obsolete. If the transition is unexpectedly sudden, stockmarkets will be dangerously exposed. The tension is the one hand government policy should press forward with the transition as fast as it can. On the other, a rapid transition will cause upheaval. Expect the big consumers, especially India and China, to force the pace. woebegone: looking or feeling very sad 点评：矛盾是无法避免的，一方面各国政府希望尽快转变到可持续的能源（产油国除外），另一方面这个转变过程速度太快的话会造成动乱。一言以蔽之，就是钱惹的祸 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Results Lexile®Measure: 1100L - 1200L Mean Sentence Length: Mean Log Word Frequency: Word Count: 853 这篇文章的蓝思值是在1100-1200L， 是经济学人里普通难度的文章~ 使用kindle断断续续地读《经济学人》三年，发现从一开始磕磕碰碰到现在比较顺畅地读完，进步很大，推荐购买！ 点击这里可以去亚马逊官网购买~
这篇文章有几个非常有意思的句子和表达，我贴出来，大家一起赏析一下： 佳句篇： Sentence 1. He helped popularise the idea that some diseases not previously thought to have a bacterial cause were actually infections, which ruffled many scientific feathers when it was first suggested. 解析： Ruffle弄皱的意思 Ruffle one’s feathers惹怒（想想逆毛流撸猫） The idea that ...用的是同位语从句，不太多，常用搭配是the evidence that，the concept that 等。That后从句解释idea, concept或evidence等。 Which的指代问题。Which指代的不是上文任何一个出现的单词或词组，而是Dr. Cochran的这波操作。Sentence 2. Ashkenazim generally do well in IQ tests, scoring 12-15 points above the mean value of 100, and have contributed disproportionately to the intellectual and cultural life of the West, as the careers of Freud, Einstein and Mahler, pictured above, affirm. disproportionately不成比例地 主干and复合句+非谓语动词scoring+as引导的从句（插入后置定语） 每个部分都不难，集合到一起就对理解产生障碍了。Sentence 3. But in the Middle Ages, success in Christian society tended to be violently aristocratic (warfare and land), rather than peacefully meritocratic (banking and trade). 这个句子不难，为什么拿出来是因为这个violently的用法。简单来讲，这一个单词乍一看是作aristocratic的副词，实则在翻译（以及理解）当中，我们必须单独翻译成一个实意的成分，而且作副词处理。 Aristocratic贵族统治 Meritocratic德治Sentence 4. That small, reproductively isolated groups of people are susceptible to genetic disease is well known. 主语从句，注意 5. Most of the dozen or so disease genes that are common in them belong to one of two types: they are involved either in the storage in nerve cells of special fats called sphingolipids, which form part of the insulating outer sheaths that allow nerve cells to transmit electrical signals, or in DNA repair. 典型长句，如何解析？ Most of the dozen or so disease genes that are common in them belong to one of two types: Or so大约 斜体作的是disease genes they are involved either in the storage in nerve cells of special fats called sphingolipids, which form part of the insulating outer sheaths that allow nerve cells to transmit electrical signals, or in DNA repair. either or后面是两个in... 第一个in后面的which form part of the insulating outer sheaths解释的是Sphingolipids that allow nerve cells to transmit electrical signals解释的是sheaths。 也就是说，（非限制性）定语从句后面紧接另一个定语从句。 第二个in后面很简单，但！！！文章最后一段有解释，对于 文章结构 至关重要。Sentence 6&7. Thus, the theory goes, the pressure to keep the sickle-cell gene in the population because of its malaria-protective effects balances the pressure to drive it out because of its anaemia-causing effects. It therefore persists without becoming ubiquitous. 两句话放一起。 主干已加黑。很有意思的句子，工整、对仗，而又解释非常清楚。 下一句，persist和ubiquitous用词极其精准，整句话像外科手术般，精准简练。作者还是怕读者一下子没读懂，用简单而又高效的句子总结下。写作手法很老练高超，字字玑珠，像极了宝马M3。Sentence 8. Genes that promote intelligence in an individual when present as a single copy create disease when present as a double copy. 乍一看没什么稀奇，再一看，把一个comparison分别放在了主语和谓语的修饰成分中，可谓老辣。 作何解？ That promote intelligence对genes做了一个限定，指的是genes的其中一种特征，然后用when说明了适用情况。 Create谓语的主语也是genes，但这时候是没有限定的genes。Create disease做的是限定，其实对应的是promote intelligence。后面同样用一个when来说明范围。 简单来讲，genes的含义做了一个缩小和限定，又在create的时候恢复了genes的双重功能含义。 Promote intelligence和create diseases一个对应，尽管成分差别很大。 两个when的对比。 可谓神句。Sentence 9. An Israeli clinic devoted to treating people with Gaucher's has vastly more engineers, scientists, accountants and lawyers on its books than would be expected by chance. Than (what) would be expected by chance. 省略了what。。。你能理解吗？ 还有这个books，这个同语境关联强烈。好的表达： 1. ruffle one’s feather 2. Tremble at the thought 3. Affirm作不及物动词（Ashkenazim generally do well in IQ tests, scoring 12-15 points above the mean value of 100, and have contributed disproportionately to the intellectual and cultural life of the West, as the careers of Freud, Einstein and Mahler, pictured above, affirm. ） 4. aristocratic . meritocratic 5. Exact a price类似用法 exert influence附原文及翻译： Natural genius? 天生我才？ The high intelligence of Ashkenazi Jews may be a result of their persecuted past 德系犹太人的高智商或许是因为曾经遭受迫害的后果 THE idea that some ethnic groups may, on average, be more intelligent than others is one of those hypotheses that dare not speak its name. But Gregory Cochran, a noted scientific iconoclast, is prepared to say it anyway. He is that rare bird, a scientist who works independently of any institution. He helped popularise the idea that some diseases not previously thought to have a bacterial cause were actually infections, which ruffled many scientific feathers when it was first suggested. And more controversially still, he has suggested that homosexuality is caused by an infection. 某些少数民族的平均智商高于其他民族这一说法，是很多不敢公开的假设之一。不过著名的科学狂人Gregory Cochran 决意要做第一个吃螃蟹的人。他很特别，总是独立工作而不属于任何机构。某些曾被诊断并非病菌引起的疾病，其实病源来自传染病。这一观点因他的推动受到了关注。此观点一经提出，就受到了许多科学家的反对。这还不算，更具争议的是，他认为同性恋也是由传染病引起的。 Even he, however, might tremble at the thought of what he is about to do. Together with Jason Hardy and Henry Harpending, of the University of Utah, he is publishing, in a forthcoming edition of the Journal of Biosocial Science, a paper which not only suggests that one group of humanity is more intelligent than the others, but explains the process that has brought this about. The group in question are Ashkenazi Jews. The process is natural selection. 然而就算是Cochran，也为自己接下来要做的事捏了一把汗。他准备同Utah大学的Jason Hardy与Henry Harpending一同，在最新一期的《生物社会科学杂志》发表一篇论文，文中不仅提出了某一少数民族比其他民族更聪明这一观点，还解释了这一结果产生的过程。文中两大主角就是德系犹太人和自然选择。 History before science 不管是否科学，先来看看历史 Ashkenazim generally do well in IQ tests, scoring 12-15 points above the mean value of 100, and have contributed disproportionately to the intellectual and cultural life of the West, as the careers of Freud, Einstein and Mahler, pictured above, affirm. They also suffer more often than most people from a number of nasty genetic diseases, such as Tay-Sachs and breast cancer. These facts, however, have previously been thought unrelated. The former has been put down to social effects, such as a strong tradition of valuing education. The latter was seen as a consequence of genetic isolation. Even now, Ashkenazim tend to marry among themselves. In the past they did so almost exclusively. 德系犹太人不仅在IQ测试上表现不俗，正常人一般在100分左右，而他们大多都能得个112-115分，而且虽然人数不多，但他们在欧洲知识、文化生活中的地位却举足轻重。想想弗洛伊德、爱因斯坦、马勒，我们就会点头称是了。但同时，他们中患有如泰-萨克斯病、乳腺癌这类严重的遗传疾病的比率明显高于其他种族。这些事实，最初被人们认为是毫无联系的。前者被说成是社会原因引起的，如浓烈的价值观教育的传统；后者则被说成是基因隔离的结果，不过即使是现在，德系犹太人还是愿意同本族人结婚，在过去，就更是如此了。 Dr Cochran, however, suspects that the intelligence and the diseases are intimately linked. His argument is that the unusual history of the Ashkenazim has subjected them to unique evolutionary pressures that have resulted in this paradoxical state of affairs. 但Cochran博士对以上两点表示质疑，并认为德系犹太人的天赋异禀与痛病缠身联系密切。他认为正是异常的历史环境强加给了德系犹太人独有的进化压力，才导致了这些看似奇怪的现象。 Ashkenazi history begins with the Jewish rebellion against Roman rule in the first century AD. When this was crushed, Jewish refugees fled in all directions. The descendants of those who fled to Europe became known as Ashkenazim. 德系犹太人的历史源于公元1世纪。犹太人在反对罗马人的统治失败后，犹太难民四散而逃，逃亡欧洲的犹太后裔就是如今的德系犹太人。 In the Middle Ages, European Jews were subjected to legal discrimination, one effect of which was to drive them into money-related professions such as banking and tax farming which were often disdained by, or forbidden to, Christians. This, along with the low level of intermarriage with their gentile neighbours (which modern genetic analysis confirms was the case), is Dr Cochran's starting point. 在中世纪，欧洲的犹太人在法律上地位很不平等，结果之一就是他们不得不从事与金钱相关的职业，如被人看不起或不准基督徒涉足的银行或征税工作，此外，他们只能与邻居中社会地位较低的非犹太人通婚（这种状况通过现代基因学分析得到了证实）。上述就是Cochran 博士论文的起点。 He argues that the professions occupied by European Jews were all ones that put a premium on intelligence. Of course, it is hard to prove that this intelligence premium existed in the Middle Ages, but it is certainly true that it exists in the modern versions of those occupations. Several studies have shown that intelligence, as measured by IQ tests, is highly correlated with income in jobs such as banking. 他认为欧洲犹太人从事的职业都是些需要一定智商的职业，虽不能证明这些职业在中世纪时就是这样了，但在当代它们确实如此。一些研究表明，智力水平（按智力测试的标准来算）与工资水平（如那些从事银行工作的人）联系密切。 What can, however, be shown from the historical records is that European Jews at the top of their professions in the Middle Ages raised more children to adulthood than those at the bottom. Of course, that was true of successful gentiles as well. But in the Middle Ages, success in Christian society tended to be violently aristocratic (warfare and land), rather than peacefully meritocratic (banking and trade). 这些历史记录证明了，那些在欧洲工作地位较高的犹太家庭子女存活率要高于那些地位较低的犹太家庭。情况对于那些其他种族的也是一样的。但在中世纪，基督教社会中所谓的成功多是贵族通过战争与土地强争豪取，而非通过量才而用（如从事银行或贸易工作）和平地获得。 Put these two things together—a correlation of intelligence and success, and a correlation of success and fecundity—and you have circumstances that favour the spread of genes that enhance intelligence. The questions are, do such genes exist, and what are they if they do? Dr Cochran thinks they do exist, and that they are exactly the genes that cause the inherited diseases which afflict Ashkenazi society. 把智力与成功的关联以及成功与生殖力的关系合二为一，你就具备了有利于智商提高的基因传播的条件。问题是这种智商基因确实存在吗？假如它果真存在的话，那究竟是什么呢？科克伦博士认为它们的确存在，而且正是那种引起折磨德系犹太人遗传疾病的基因。 That small, reproductively isolated groups of people are susceptible to genetic disease is well known. Constant mating with even distant relatives reduces genetic diversity, and some disease genes will thus, randomly, become more common. But the very randomness of this process means there should be no discernible pattern about which disease genes increase in frequency. In the case of Ashkenazim, Dr Cochran argues, this is not the case. Most of the dozen or so disease genes that are common in them belong to one of two types: they are involved either in the storage in nerve cells of special fats called sphingolipids, which form part of the insulating outer sheaths that allow nerve cells to transmit electrical signals, or in DNA repair. The former genes cause neurological diseases, such as Tay- Sachs, Gaucher's and Niemann-Pick. The latter cause cancer. 众所周知，越是人口稀少并且生育范围狭小的种族就越易患遗传疾病。总是于同族人通婚，就算不是近亲，也会较少遗传的多样性，同时也会使某些致病基因没有规律地在该种族内部泛滥起来。而这种无规律性意味着人们不知道何类致病基因会被大量传播。但对德系犹太人来说，Cochran 医生指出，情况却并非如此。他们当中最常见的十几种疾病基因基本上可以归结于两类：一类参与神经细胞中鞘脂类特殊脂肪）的储存。鞘脂组成一部分绝缘外层鞘，允许神经细胞发射电子信号。另一类参与DNA 的修复。前者基因会引发神经性疾病，如泰萨二氏病、脑苷脂沉积病和神经鞘磷脂沉积病；而后者会导致癌症。 That does not look random. And what is even less random is that in several cases the genes for particular diseases come in different varieties, each the result of an independent original mutation. This really does suggest the mutated genes are being preserved by natural selection. But it does not answer the question of how evolution can favour genetic diseases. However, in certain circumstances, evolution can. 上述看起来并非毫无规律。而且更趋于规律的表现就是，在一些病例中，特殊疾病的致病基因来自于不同的变体，而每个变体都是独立的原基因变异的结果。这就印证了变异基因是自然选择保留下来的结果，可它却不能回答自然选择为什么会成了遗传疾病的帮凶，但在一些特殊的条件下，进化能够产生这样的结果。 West Africans, and people of West African descent, are susceptible to a disease called sickle-cell anaemia that is virtually unknown elsewhere. The anaemia develops in those whose red blood cells contain a particular type of haemoglobin, the protein that carries oxygen. But the disease occurs only in those who have two copies of the gene for the disease-causing haemoglobin (one copy from each parent). Those who have only one copy have no symptoms. They are, however, protected against malaria, one of the biggest killers in that part of the world. Thus, the theory goes, the pressure to keep the sickle-cell gene in the population because of its malaria-protective effects balances the pressure to drive it out because of its anaemia-causing effects. It therefore persists without becoming ubiquitous. 如西非人以及他们的后代易患一种叫做镰状细胞性贫血的疾病，这种病在西非之外几乎都没人听说过。贫血症发于那些红血球中含有一种特殊的血红蛋白，其蛋白质中含有氧气的人。但这种镰状细胞性贫血症只会发生在同时有两组这种致病的血红蛋白（父母都有这种血红蛋白）的人身上。而那些只有一组的人不但不会患这种贫血症，也不会患疟疾，该病被称为非洲的头号杀手。因此，我们可以这样说，抵御疟疾的特性使得镰状细胞在得以人体中存活下来，同时这种细胞导致贫血症的特性也会被人体排斥，只有在为保持这两种状态而产生的压力达到平衡时，才不会有任何一个特性占据上风。 Dr Cochran argues that something similar happened to the Ashkenazim. Genes that promote intelligence in an individual when present as a single copy create disease when present as a double copy. His thesis is not as strong as the sickle-cell/malaria theory, because he has not proved that any of his disease genes do actually affect intelligence. But the area of operation of some of them suggests that they might. Cochran博士认为，德系犹太人也面临着同样的情况，他们的某些基因如果以单组出现就可以提高智力，一旦以双组出现就会引起疾病。显然，该理论并不如他的镰状细胞/疟疾理论那样具有说服力，因为他尚未证明任何一种致病基因确实能够影响智力，但是某些基因的活动区域显示它们或许真能影响智力。 The sphingolipid-storage diseases, Tay-Sachs, Gaucher's and Niemann-Pick, all involve extra growth and branching of the protuberances that connect nerve cells together. Too much of this (as caused in those with double copies) is clearly pathological. But it may be that those with single copies experience a more limited, but still enhanced, protuberance growth. That would yield better linkage between brain cells, and might thus lead to increased intelligence. Indeed, in the case of Gaucher's disease, the only one of the three in which people routinely live to adulthood, there is evidence that those with full symptoms are more intelligent than the average. An Israeli clinic devoted to treating people with Gaucher's has vastly more engineers, scientists, accountants and lawyers on its books than would be expected by chance. 鞘脂储存类疾病，如泰萨二氏病、脑苷脂沉积病和神经鞘磷脂沉积病，都涉及到连接神经细胞的凸起的多余生长和分叉。显然，这种生长和分叉太多的话就会引起疾病。但是，也有可能，仅有单份致病基因的人会出现比较有限的、但仍然加强了的凸起生长。这将有助于加强脑细胞之间的连接，或许因此导致智力提高。实际上，在脑苷脂沉积病的例子中，在三分之一能够活到成年的患者中，确实有证据表明完全发病的人拥有高于平均值的智商。根据一家专门治疗脑苷脂沉积病的以色列诊所的医疗记录，患者中的工程师、科学家、会计和律师的比例多于常人。 Why a failure of the DNA-repair system should boost intelligence is unclear—and is, perhaps, the weakest part of the thesis, although evidence is emerging that one of the genes in question is involved in regulating the early growth of the brain. But the thesis also has a strong point: it makes a clear and testable prediction. This is that people with a single copy of the gene for Tay-Sachs, or that for Gaucher's, or that for Niemann-Pick should be more intelligent than average. Dr Cochran and his colleagues predict they will be so by about five IQ points. If that turns out to be the case, it will strengthen the idea that, albeit unwillingly, Ashkenazi Jews have been part of an accidental experiment in eugenics. It has brought them some advantages. But, like the deliberate eugenics experiments of the 20th century, it has also exacted a terrible price. 为什么基因修复系统失灵会提高智力，现在还不清楚原因何在。虽然，陆续有证据表明产生问题的基因之一参与了调节大脑的早期发育，但是这仍是该论题最薄弱的环节。不过，该理论也有令人信服的地方：它对于拥有单份泰萨二氏病或脑苷脂沉积病或神经鞘磷脂沉积病基因的人会比普通人更聪明做出了明确而可检验的预测。Cochran 博士和他的同事认为，这些人的智商因此会比平均水平高出5 个点。尽管有人不愿接受，假如确实如此的话，它将有力地证明，德系犹太人在不经意间经历了优生实验，而这为他们带来了智商上的优势。但是，如同发生在20 世纪的人为的优生实验一样，它同样让他们付出了可怕的代价。