纽约时报文章

如果你是纽约时报的订户，你在它的网站上打入你订报时他们给你的一个数字，就可以进它的Times select服务，你可以查到它1981年以来的文章。如果你不是订户，你要每月付$20获得搜索服务。但是现在在纽约时报的文章被人引用很多，所以大多数文章，只要你知道文章名字，或文中一句重要的句子，你在GOOGLE上就能找到。

把人的知识的来源限定在这些古代经典大师们身上, 是大清国教育制度最大的弊端

四六级考试中的阅读文章通常来自英美的知名学术杂志，像 Time, New Scientist, The Economist 等，题材涵盖了教育、科技、健康、商业、经济、文化等等。

四六级考试大部分的文章出自外刊，例如以下下面这几个外刊，这几本可以说是四六级考试的阅读文章库了！

1、The New York Times《纽约时报》

《纽约时报》(The New York Times)有时简称“时报"(The times)，是一份在美国纽约出版的日报，在全世界发行，有相当大的影响力。《纽约时报》是美国高级报纸、严肃刊物的代表。《纽约时报》享有可靠的新闻来源的声誉。它的社论一般被认为是比较开通的。报道的可靠性是非常高的，因此往往被世界上其它报纸和新闻社直接作为新闻来源。

2、The Atlantic《大西洋月刊》

《大西洋月刊》(The Atlantic)是美国最受尊敬的杂志之一，一本有关文学、政治、科学与艺术的杂志，第一期出版于1857年11月。《大西洋月刊》理念为以纯文学作品和政治评论并重。经常发表非专业撰稿人的文章。一直是政治人物的必读刊物，不少美国总统、副总统都是其订阅者。

3、TIME《时代周刊》

《时代周刊》(Time)又称《时代》，创办于1923年，是特意为日益增长的国际读者群开设了解全球新闻的一个窗口。立足美国、关注全球一直是《时代》的一大特色。《时代》对新闻的关注极其敏锐，哪里有好新闻，哪里就有《时代》记者的身影。它的笔端触及到世界的每一个角落。

4、The Economist《经济学人》

《经济学人》的文章用词准确、简练，且注重在最小的篇幅内告诉读者最多的信息。是用大众能够读懂的语言来写文章，所以其内容本身并不复杂，具有很强的易读性。所以很多人都推荐《经济学人》作为深入学习英语的材料。

5、Newsweek《新闻周刊》

《新闻周刊》(Newsweek)于1933年2月17日创立，它与上文提到的《时代周刊》和《美国新闻和世界报道》并称为美国三大新闻周刊。美国主要综合性新闻杂志社之一，以迅速报道国际新闻和美国国内的政治动态著称。

6、The Guardian《卫报》

《卫报》(The Guardian)是英国的全国性综合内容日报。与《泰晤士报》、《每日电讯报》被合称为英国三大报。由约翰·爱德华·泰勒创办于1821年5月5日。因总部设于曼彻斯特而称为《曼彻斯特卫报》。该报注重报道国际新闻，擅长发表评论和分析性专题文章。一般公众视《卫报》的政治观点为中间偏左，对国际问题持"独立"观点。该报主要读者为政界人士、白领和知识分子。

7、其他报刊

很多人从金融危机中认识到，美国单边主义的时代也许会终结。金融危机也使人们对于美元作为关键全球性货币的永久性地位产生了怀疑。我还认为，由于伊拉克战争的失败和金融危机的发生，美国主导的全球主义的时代正走向终结，我们正迈向一个多极化的时代。当前的事态明确表明，中国将成为世界上主要的经济体之一。在不太遥远的未来，中国经济的规模将超过日本。日本夹在美国和中国之间。在这种情况下，日本应如何保持自己的政治和经济独立并保护自己的国家利益呢？这个问题不仅日本关注，而且亚洲的中小国家也关注。它们希望美国的军事力量有效地发挥作用，以维护该地区的稳定，但是也希望约束美国在政治和经济方面的过分行为。现在，不管怎样，超国家的马克思主义和全球主义政治经济哲学的发展已经陷入停滞状态。与此同时，民族主义却再次开始对各种国家产生重大影响。在我们设法建立国际合作的新架构之际，我们必须克服民族主义过度的问题，走以规则为基础的经济合作和安全之路。与欧洲的情况不同，这个地区的国家大小、发展阶段和政治制度各异，因此经济一体化无法在短期内实现。然而，我们应该有迈向区域性货币一体化的追求，使区域性货币一体化作为快速经济增长的自然延伸（快速经济增长始于日本，韩国、台湾和香港紧随其后，后来又在东盟和中国得以实现）。我们必须不遗余力地建立对巩固货币一体化至关重要的永久性安全框架。建立亚洲共同货币可能需要10年以上的时间。这样一种单一货币带来政治一体化所需的时间无疑会更长。东盟、日本、中国（包括香港）、韩国和台湾的国内生产总值目前占世界的1/4。东亚地区的经济实力和该地区内部相互依赖的关系不断扩大和深化。因此，成立区域性经济集团所需要的架构已经存在。另一方面，由于各国的安全利益互相冲突以及存在历史和文化冲突，我们必须认识到，目前存在诸多难以解决的政治问题。军事化增强的问题和领土争端无法通过类似日本和韩国之间或日本和中国之间的双边谈判得到解决。双方对这些问题讨论得越多，情绪被激发、民族主义加剧的风险也就越大。所以我认为，只有迈向程度更大的一体化，阻碍地区一体化的问题才能真正得到解决。欧盟的经历告诉我们，地区一体化能够化解领土争端。我认为，地区一体化和集体安全是我们在实现日本宪法主张的和平主义和多边合作原则方面应该遵循的道路。这也是为保护日本的政治和经济独立、在身处美中之间的情况下追求我们利益应该遵循的适当道路。（编辑：陶志彭）A New Path for JapanBy YUKIO HATOYAMAPublished: August 26, 2009TOKYO — In the post-Cold War period, Japan has been continually buffeted by the winds of market fundamentalism in a movement that is more usually called globalization. In the fundamentalist pursuit of capitalism people are treated not as an end but as a means. Consequently, human dignity is can we put an end to unrestrained market fundamentalism and financial capitalism, that are void of morals or moderation, in order to protect the finances and livelihoods of our citizens? That is the issue we are now these times, we must return to the idea of fraternity — as in the French slogan “liberté, égalité, fraternité” — as a force for moderating the danger inherent within as I mean it can be described as a principle that aims to adjust to the excesses of the current globalized brand of capitalism and accommodate the local economic practices that have been fostered through our recent economic crisis resulted from a way of thinking based on the idea that American-style free-market economics represents a universal and ideal economic order, and that all countries should modify the traditions and regulations governing their economies in line with global (or rather American) Japan, opinion was divided on how far the trend toward globalization should go. Some advocated the active embrace of globalism and leaving everything up to the dictates of the market. Others favored a more reticent approach, believing that efforts should be made to expand the social safety net and protect our traditional economic activities. Since the administration of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi (2001-2006), the Liberal Democratic Party has stressed the former, while we in the Democratic Party of Japan have tended toward the latter economic order in any country is built up over long years and reflects the influence of traditions, habits and national lifestyles. But globalism has progressed without any regard for non-economic values, or for environmental issues or problems of resource we look back on the changes in Japanese society since the end of the Cold War, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that the global economy has damaged traditional economic activities and destroyed local terms of market theory, people are simply personnel expenses. But in the real world people support the fabric of the local community and are the physical embodiment of its lifestyle, traditions and culture. An individual gains respect as a person by acquiring a job and a role within the local community and being able to maintain his family’s the principle of fraternity, we would not implement policies that leave areas relating to human lives and safety — such as agriculture, the environment and medicine — to the mercy of responsibility as politicians is to refocus our attention on those non-economic values that have been thrown aside by the march of globalism. We must work on policies that regenerate the ties that bring people together, that take greater account of nature and the environment, that rebuild welfare and medical systems, that provide better education and child-rearing support, and that address wealth national goal that emerges from the concept of fraternity is the creation of an East Asian community. Of course, the . security pact will continue to be the cornerstone of Japanese diplomatic at the same time, we must not forget our identity as a nation located in Asia. I believe that the East Asian region, which is showing increasing vitality, must be recognized as Japan’s basic sphere of being. So we must continue to build frameworks for stable economic cooperation and security across the financial crisis has suggested to many that the era of . unilateralism may come to an end. It has also raised doubts about the permanence of the dollar as the key global also feel that as a result of the failure of the Iraq war and the financial crisis, the era of globalism is coming to an end and that we are moving toward an era of multipolarity. But at present no one country is ready to replace the United States as the dominant country. Nor is there a currency ready to replace the dollar as the world’s key currency. Although the influence of the . is declining, it will remain the world’s leading military and economic power for the next two to three developments show clearly that China will become one of the world’s leading economic nations while also continuing to expand its military power. The size of China’s economy will surpass that of Japan in the not-too-distant should Japan maintain its political and economic independence and protect its national interest when caught between the United States, which is fighting to retain its position as the world’s dominant power, and China, which is seeking ways to become dominant?This is a question of concern not only to Japan but also to the small and medium-sized nations in Asia. They want the military power of the . to function effectively for the stability of the region but want to restrain . political and economic excesses. They also want to reduce the military threat posed by our neighbor China while ensuring that China’s expanding economy develops in an orderly fashion. These are major factors accelerating regional , as the supranational political and economic philosophies of Marxism and globalism have, for better or for worse, stagnated, nationalism is once again starting to have a major influence in various we seek to build new structures for international cooperation, we must overcome excessive nationalism and go down a path toward rule-based economic cooperation and Europe, the countries of this region differ in size, development stage and political system, so economic integration cannot be achieved over the short term. However, we should nonetheless aspire to move toward regional currency integration as a natural extension of the rapid economic growth begun by Japan, followed by South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then achieved by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China. We must spare no effort to build the permanent security frameworks essential to underpinning currency a common Asian currency will likely take more than 10 years. For such a single currency to bring about political integration will surely take longer , Japan, China (including Hong Kong), South Korea and Taiwan now account for one quarter of the world’s gross domestic product. The economic power of the East Asian region and the interdependent relationships within the region have grown wider and deeper. So the structures required for the formation of a regional economic bloc are already in the other hand, due to historical and cultural conflicts as well as conflicting national security interests, we must recognize that there are numerous difficult political issues. The problems of increased militarization and territorial disputes cannot be resolved by bilateral negotiations between, for example, Japan and South Korea, or Japan and China. The more these problems are discussed bilaterally, the greater the risk that emotions become inflamed and nationalism , I would suggest, somewhat paradoxically, that the issues that stand in the way of regional integration can only be truly resolved by moving toward greater integration. The experience of the . shows us how regional integration can defuse territorial believe that regional integration and collective security is the path we should follow toward realizing the principles of pacifism and multilateral cooperation advocated by the Japanese Constitution. It is also the appropriate path for protecting Japan’s political and economic independence and pursuing our interests in our position between the United States and me conclude by quoting the words of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, founder of the first popular movement for a united Europe, written 85 years ago in “Pan-Europa” (my grandfather, Ichiro Hatoyama, translated his book, “The Totalitarian State Against Man,” into Japanese): “All great historical ideas started as a utopian dream and ended with reality. Whether a particular idea remains as a utopian dream or becomes a reality depends on the number of people who believe in the ideal and their ability to act upon it.”

《纽约时报》批评中国存在已久的科举制度，称其已经跟不上时代的发展和步伐，是该被放弃的一种教育制度，同时《纽约时报》把科举制度说成是大清帝国教育制度的弊端，他们把四书五经称为几块干骨头，并且表示这几块干骨头阻碍了科学的思想的启蒙和在大清帝国的传播。并且在《纽约时报》里还把大清帝国的军事力量薄弱，军备力量薄弱，而且大清帝国的士兵品行不端，为百姓所惧怕。其实这个描写是名不副实的，是带有作者的个人的主观色彩。因为，在当时的大清帝国的军事实力，虽然不是世界第一，但是处于在世界前列的，并且大清帝国的士兵也不像他们描述的这么不堪。