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随着全球经济一体化趋势日益加快，国际商务活动日益频繁。这些商务活动的许多领域，如技术引进、对外贸易、招商引资等，所使用的英语统称为 商务英语 。下面是我带来的关于商务英语 毕业 论文摘要的内容，欢迎阅读参考!商务英语毕业论文摘要(一) 商务英语特点浅析 [摘 要]商务英语是外贸人员同世界各地开展进出口贸易时用于洽谈交易、联系业务的一种应用语言。由于英汉两种截然不同语言的差异及其特定的社会功能和题材内容决定了商务英语自身与众不同的写作特点。本文拟从跨 文化 交际学的角度对商务英语的特点作一番探析，从而事倍功半地达到成功交际的目的。 [关键词]商务英语 跨文化交际 合作原则 礼貌原则 关联原则 商务英语毕业论文摘要(二) 商务英语翻译浅析 [摘要]商务英语翻译在国际贸易中起着越来越重要的作用。本文从商务英语的内涵、特点、翻译策略等方面，对商务英语的翻译进行了浅要的分析。 [关键词]商务英语翻译策略 商务英语毕业论文摘要(三) 浅谈英语商务 谈判技巧 [摘要] 随着经济全球化的发展。中国的国际贸易也越来越发达。要想和外国人做好每一笔生意，你必须了解世界各国的文化。国际贸易中跨国的商务谈判在所难免，所以你也必须懂得把全界各国商人的谈判风格研究从文化的角度来探讨国际商务谈判，分析国际商务谈判过程、世界各国商人的谈判风格，增强中国商人在国际贸易中的竞争力。 [关键词] 语言技巧谈判风格谈判技巧 以下是我带来的关于商务英语的论文，希望能帮到您! 浅谈商务英语教学 摘 要：随着中国在世界经济中的日益活跃，大学中的商务英语需求也随之增多，这是因为商务英语专业培养的是有着扎实的英语基础同时具备外贸专业知识的复合型人才;同时，教师如何讲好这门课也日益受到关注。所以，本文就以商务英语教学为话题进行浅谈，企在与同行有所交流并最终相互促进与提高，使学生和教师双赢。 关键词：大学;商务英语;教学 随着中国在国际经济活动中的日益活跃以及自身发展的迫切需要，商务英语专业也日益成为了大学热门专业之一。商务英语专业培养的是有着扎实的英语基础同时又具备外贸专业知识的复合型人才，因此，对于商务英语的教学既要考虑到英语知识的授予，又要注重英语能力的提高。如同一般英语一样，阅读也是商务英语语言运用中的一项重要活动，通过阅读既可以让学生掌握相关阅读技巧，从而提高阅读速度和语言能力;同时又可以培养学生接触商务知识和熟悉商务运作流程的实用能力。所以，本文就以商务英语中教学方面进行浅谈，企在与同行有所交流和相互促进与提高。 一般来说，商务英语教学应该涵盖语言学习和商务知识两方面内容，是集语言理论、商务理论及商务实践于一体的综合性教学。所以，教师的教学要结合所用教材，灵活运用 教学 方法 ，并且在教学活动中要注意活跃课堂气氛，让学生在轻松愉悦的氛围里进行知识的学习，最重要的是提高学生实际应用语言并进行交流的能力。对于该课程的教学，笔者根据多年的相关教学 经验 ， 总结 出了如下的教学建议： 第一，基本词汇是商务英语的基础，以此为基础，扩充词汇的学习，这是进行相关商务 英语阅读 的基础。可以通过将生词与已知词汇进行相关联系来实现对生词的记忆和掌握，当然，将生词放在阅读 文章 中进行学习也是一个很好的方法，或者将二者联系起来回更好。下面举例说明。 confirm一词在普通英语中作动词时的意思是“确认，证实”，如： ● His guilty expression confirmed my suspicions. (他内疚的表情证实了我的猜疑。) 而在商务英语中，confirm应该译为“保兑信用证”，即指一家银行所开的由另一家银行保证兑付的一种银行信用证。如下句： ● Payment will be made by 100% confirmed， irrevocable Letter of Credit available by sight draft。(付款方式为100% 即期，保兑，不可撤消信用证。) 那么，教师再阅读短文中就可以先将需要讲解的词汇标出，让学生说出在一般英语中的其意义;然后，在进行商务英语中所表示出的意义的讲解;最后，让学生思考并练习这些“商务意义”，注意一定要在句中，然后是整篇文章中进行理解和熟悉。 第二，具备一定商务英语词汇后就要以篇章为单位来进行训练，目的是进一步巩固所学新意(商务英语中该词汇的意义)。此阶段，最好选取一些有实用价值的英语阅读材料，在真实的商务场景中进行语言知识和商务知识的双方面习得。如：阅读文章中摘出的两句话： ● You may get a 5% discount if your order is on a regular basis. ● If a seller extends credit to a time draft， they have made a trade acceptance. The seller can request that the bank finance the transaction by buying the draft. The bank is said to discount the draft. 通过加深巩固练习，学生可以跟深刻地理解discount一词。 下一步，以对话或是篇章进行知识的延伸。如下面关于产品介绍的对话： ● A： These are our new models. B： What are their strong points? A： There's a lot to be said for them. In the first place， they are more durable than any similar ones on the market. B： Why does it take longer to wear out than the others? A： The yarn is carefully selected for quality and woven very tightly in this fabric. B： Can you leave these samples with us? A： How long do you want to keep them? B： About three days. ● A： That's all right 此时，引导学生进行整体把握，即：“为什么在这种语境会这么说?”为下一步中西方差异做铺垫。并且可以考虑在这个阶段的学习后增加一些课堂对话练习的活动，激发学生使用的欲望，增添真实的语境。 第三，在商务英语的教学中一定要注重商务礼节的介绍，并且还要特别之处中西方商务礼节或习惯方面的差异，以免在今后的实际运用中造成跨文化差异而带来的不必要的困扰。如：在中国，对于对方的赞美或是夸奖，为了表现出礼貌，通常受赞美或是夸奖的一方一定会说“哪里哪里”等拒绝性的答复;但是，西方人一般会去高兴地接受，往往是Thank you. / Thank you very much. 等，因为他们认为拒绝是极为不礼貌的。又如，在商务谈判时，中国人喜欢委婉而谦和地表达自己的观点;而西方人一般会开门见山，直奔主题。因此，在平时的教学中必须指出诸如此类的文化差异，一方面解答而来学生对于一些商务英语文章背景的不理解问题，另一方面也提高了学生的学习兴趣和求知的欲望，充满了好奇感和探究感。 总之，在课堂教学中一定要同时兼顾英语的基础知识而后专业知识的储备，以及英语技能和相关商务知识的积累这两方面的内容。但是，这些不是孤立的，而是相互关联和相互渗透的，可以说，一环扣一环，环环相关，某一个方面出现问题，就会影响 其它 方面的学习和提高。因此，我们在日常的教学中应该多角度、多方面进行指导，同时，也要求我们教师也要多学习、多更新自己的知识，这样才能满足学生的需求和自身的提高。 参考文献 [1] 蔡芸。培养复合型人才的有效方式--商务英语专业课程评价[J]。外语与外语教学，2001(4)。 [2] 陈建平。案例教学法与商务英语教学[J]。宁波大学学报( 教育 科学版)， 2004(5)。 [3] 刘江凤。论本科院校商务英语专业学生职业技能的培养[J]。考试周刊，2011(5)。 [4] 莫再树，张小勇，张云。基于语言经济学的商务英语教育研究[A].。湖南大学学报(社会科学版)，2006(4)。 [5] 叶兴国。新形势下的商务英语教学与研究[C]。上海：上海外语教育出版社。2008年10月。 猜你喜欢： 1. 商务英语专业毕业论文范文 2. 商务英语毕业论文范本 3. 关于商务英语毕业论文范文 4. 商务英语专业论文范文 5. 商务英语相关毕业论文范文
经济论文的写作，是对经济学专业的学生所学的知识结论性 总结 。下面是我带来的关于经济学论文的内容，欢迎阅读参考!经济学论文篇1：《“经济学基础”教学环境的革新》 经济学基础在当前经济管理类型专业中属于非常核心的课程，在其相关专业中占据重要的位置，发挥关键重要作用，尤其现在国家市场经济体制处在不断完善和发展中，对于经管类人才需求量非常大，我们必须加大经济管理人才的培养，提高经济学基础的教学水平。[1]同时经济基础课程教学目的重在实践，但是其内容体系过于庞杂、知识偏重理论，但是日常的课堂教学缺乏对学生实践能力的培养。然而当前教学环境发展较为滞后难以满足新时代对经济学基础教学要求，一定程度上制约了新型教学模式以及 教学 方法 的实施，阻碍了教学质量和水平的提升，不利于实用性经管人才的培养。 1“经济学基础”教学环境发展现状 “经济学基础”教学课程的安排偏重理论 现阶段，多数学校的“经济学基础”的课程安排偏重理论性知识，而经济学基础的课程本身内容体系庞杂，相关观念和理论抽象复杂、晦涩难懂，纯理论性讲解无法使学生对知识有更加清晰的理解，甚至适得其反，教学效果非常不理想，这也极大地削弱学生的学习积极性，降低了学生学习的兴趣。[2]长久以来，院校使用的考评系统更多关注的是教师的理论水准，没有重视对教师实践能力的考查评估。这些年，各院校致力于知识理论的研究，院校教师也将更多的精力放在理论研究以及论文的发表方面，忽略了对经济学基础中应用性教学的研究，而此类学科对实践性和理论性都具有较高的要求，这使得教学效果并不明显，难以达到预期目标。同时，现在大多数教学只是单纯掌握了理论性知识，基本没有从事任何经济学实践活动，也没有开展过任何经济业务。如此一来，教师在课堂上只能进行理论知识的灌输，无法给学生提供有效的经济学案例，课程内容空洞无趣、枯燥无味，不仅不能使学生很好地了解课程的内容知识，甚至极大消磨了学生的耐心，极大地打击了学生的学习积极性，较之实践性教学，教学效果不理想。 教学案例的使用水平偏低 众所周知，经济学基础知识理论性太强，单纯照本宣科学生难以理解知识内涵，加之该学科对实践性还有很高的要求，所以在课程中增加教学案例分量既是学科本身的要求，也是众多经济学专业的学生的学习需求。[3]但是，当前教学过程中存在的问题是，教学案例分析课程安排较少，案例内容质量不高，脱离实际生活，案例分析不到位、不合理，使得最终案例教学没有取得很好的效果。出现以上情况的原因是涉及方方面面。其一，一般情况下，案例教学具有一定的人数限制，理想的授课人数大约为30人，但是各大院校实行扩招，学生规模持续壮大，然而与学生对应的教学资源并没有都得到很好的满足，班级人数不断增加，加大了授课压力，普通教学班人数扩大到60人左右，甚至部分学校由于人数过多组织合班授课，班级人数超过百人，这直接导致教学质量的下降，很大程度上影响了案例教学效果。其二，教师普遍缺乏较强的案例教学能力。较之传统的教学，案例教学在教学能力等方面对授课老师提出了更高的要求。同时，学校没有开展案例教学的相关培训，教师也普遍缺乏案例教学的学习，在开展案例教学的过程中，授课老师往往不得要领，使得案例法的教学成效大打折扣，没有很好地发挥该教学方法的积极作用。其三，学校经济学授课教师大都没有参与过专业相关的工作实践，经济学管理真实的工作情况根本不了解，在案例讨论环节无法对学生实施科学的指导，使得教学最终流于形式，难以发挥真正的作用。[4] 缺乏完善的教学实践基地 当前阶段，多数院校的经济学专业基本不存在实践课程，多使用传统的教学模式。这门课程在经济管理专业中非常重要，而且这类专业对实践具有很高的要求，在课堂上开展简单的实践活动还远远不能满足需要。众所周知，市场经济不断发展，现代企业制度已经广泛实行，经济现代化趋势明显，具有现代经济意识和经管能力的人才极度匮乏。[5]同时越来越多的学生也要求各个院校建立经济教学实践基地，实践基地必须对经济管理环境进行尽可能的模拟，以提高学生对经济学相关问题的体验和学习。 2“经济学基础”教学环境的革新 措施 增强教学的实践性 现阶段，国内大多数院校的经济学专业的授课教师都具有相对高的学历，其专业的理论知识储备比较丰富，然而受制于种种条件，授课老师的专业实践能力极为匮乏，甚至完全不了实际的企业经济运行状况以及管理工作的实施程序。这也是长时间以来造成经济学课程枯燥、空洞非常关键因素。[5]针对这种情况，学校必须制定相关措施，有效提升教师实践教学能力。不仅需要关注教学质量的提升，更要加强教师实践水平的提升。对于该专业的教师增强工作审核，要求授课老师适当压缩课程教学时间。首先，要求教师从事专业对应的实务工作，增强对相应职业具体工作的了解，定期组织教师参加 社会实践 活动，比如到银行、四大会计师事务所、咨询公司和企业等单位，参与其经济管理工作，掌握经济管理工作的最直接的资料，根据自身实践，对教学案例资源进行完善、充实，使之更加贴合生活，更便于学生理解。其次，激励授课老师尤其是年轻教师参加银行从业资格证、证券从业资格证等经济学专业资格考试，充实教师各层次的知识，有助于教师水准的提升。最后，从校外邀请 经验 丰富的经济学基础教学经济学专家或者企业经济管理者组织专题讲座，不仅可以对课堂教学进行很好的补充，同时还可以有效地拓展学生的知识和眼界。 提高案例教学水准 经济学基础具有很强的实践性，高效的案例教学可以很好地帮助学生理解专业知识，还可以实现教和学两方面互相影响和促进，共同都得到提高。同时，在案例教学涉及的相关考试可以鼓励学生尽可能表达自己的见解，无须顾及试卷的限制。授课老师可以学生实际的理论知识和实践水平，对案例教学进展进行合理的控制，同时在教学活动中，有意识地关注学生的课堂表现，注意学生对案例的反映及其观点，站在客观的角度对学生的表现进行评价，同时还可以把该项评估情况加入学生的最终的成绩中，作为学生成绩评价的一个有效参考。 经济学基础实践基地建设 现阶段，多数企业并不乐于接收实习学生，然而学生可以进入的银行、事务所、咨询公司的数量毕竟是有限的，进入之后也只能从事一些基础性工作，甚至是劳力工作，无法真正涉及非常专业经济管理工作。因此，学校建立经济学专业实验室更加科学，效果更加显著。在实践基地，可以对企业的经济管理进行模拟，利用模拟情境，学生进行相关操作，处理相关的经济问题，进而更加深刻地掌握，改善教学状况，实现更加理想的教学效果。在此基础上，对企业的工作环境进行高效模拟，尽可能再现企业发展情况，综合各类专业知识，一方面，有效帮助学生系统巩固教材知识，另一方面，可以很好地锻炼学生的适应能力，培养其动手操作能力，符合当前复合型人才的发展要求。 3结论 综上所述，当前的经济学基础教学存在较多问题，教学模式刻板，教学环境封闭，无法满足实践性经管人才的需求，同时也无法很好地适应市场经济发展现状。文中笔者从增强教学的实践性、改善案例教学质量、建立实践基地三个方面革新“经济学基础”的教学环境，提升专业教学水平，满足现代企业经济人才需求。 经济学论文篇2：《《国际经济学》教学方法的改革与实践》 《国际经济学》是一门研究国际经济活动的学科，集国际贸易理论和国际金融理论于一体，是传统经济活动在跨国领域的运作和延伸。该课程一般开设于大二学年上学期，是经济相关专业的学生接触到的第一门“国际类”课程，在整个教学体系中起着承上启下的作用，它的教学方法运用得当，可提升学生学习的积极性、增强课堂教学的效果，具有举足轻重的作用。 一、《国际经济学》相关教材的选择 《国际经济学》作为经济专业的一门传统课程，教材版本众多，选择余地大，但是由于理论发展迅速，内容庞杂，各版本教材的内容差异较大，选择不同的教材可导致学生学到的理论差异很大。比较经典的国内教材是人大版和高教版的21世纪系列教材，也是国内众多院校选择的教材，这类教材中规中矩，尽量选择的是国际经济学中的传统理论，去掉旁枝末节，只对核心部分加以阐述，基本能满足教学要求。缺陷在于这类教材一般理论性较强，知识更新速度慢，实例和练习题较少，导致教学手段也比较单一，不能很好的举一反三。国际上关于该课程的经典教材也比较多，像克鲁格曼和萨尔瓦多的版本，都是一版再版，受到许多国内985和211院校教师的追捧。这些教材内容全面，知识新颖，一般都配以大量实证分析和习题，并有网络教学资源加以利用，教学效果更好。但此类教材一般难度较大，计量模型类分析较多，基础差的学生学习起来比较吃力，容易放弃。对于普通本科院校的学校，我们建议还是以国内学者编撰的教材为主，以国外经典教材为参考书或课外阅读书籍，做到有的放矢，深入浅出，以达到更好的教学效果。 二、《国际经济学》教学内容的调整 《国际经济学》与 其它 课程由浅入深的内容编排不同，一开篇就是难点，关于西方传统的国际贸易理论难度较大，不好理解，依赖于较好的微观经济学基础，否则部分学生会觉得雾里看花，对该课程首先留下了晦涩难懂的印象。比如相互需求理论和提供曲线，不结合微观基础理论分析会觉得理论突兀，结合基础理论部分学生又无法理解，针对这个问题，我们的主张是保证课堂教学的紧凑性，只讲解核心部分内容，并提供整个理论分析的参考资料供有基础的学生课外阅读，并把相关曲线的分析编入习题中，让学生熟悉它的推导过程。 《国际经济学》中大部分的内容都是国际贸易理论部分，分成不同的流派，形成不同的观点，许多派系直到现在仍然在发展充实。教师在进行这几章内容的备课时，一定要注意分类整理，避免逻辑混乱，并且在同一派系中还有不同分支，观点不尽相同，一定要注意分析和比较，让学生在思考中掌握问题要点。其中有几个理论，诸如贸易保护理论和生命周期理论等，在现代国家的发展中有很好的运用，所以适合结合实际来分析，避免就事论事。否则，学生也会在其它课程里面从另外的角度再次学到这些理论，那么他们就会心存疑虑，认为这些理论描述不一致，很难对理论信服和认可。我们建议教授《国际经济学》的教师和教授《国际贸易实务》的教师必须有集中备课的习惯，以便于知识的传承和衔接。关于国际金融理论部分的知识也在讲授中的一个难点，按照教学大纲要求是需要进行讲解的，但是该部分与《金融学》和《国际金融》的理论都有所重叠，许多教师甚至直接把备课的内容在这几门课上重复运用，没有做到严格区分，容易让学生觉得这些课程重复太多，学起来没用的假象。 在讲授该部分内容时，应侧重金融知识为贸易知识服务的重要性，国际经济活动是多重性的活动，实体贸易经济最终需要货币结算和资金流动等一系列的活动来配合完成，这才是《国际经济学》中编排金融知识的目的。所以金融理论知识的讲解一定要跟前面的贸易理论知识结合起来，主要贸易领域资金结算和投融资活动的分析，这样才能把《国际经济学》两部分的内容更好的融合，保持整体性和连贯性。开放经济政策下的宏观经济政策是该课程的又一个难点，这部分内容是宏观经济学的延伸和运用，同时也是近几十年来经济学者比较集中研究的内容。要引起学习的积极性，可以布置一些课堂任务，让同学们下去查询相关学者取得的成就和经济政策在不同国家的运用，让他们主动发现这部分内容的重要性，有了心态上的主动认识再加上课程的讲解，对经济政策的运用和不同国家的比较就可以学得更加透彻。《国际经济学》的内容众多，需要选择和取舍，分清主次，这就需要任课老师一定要根据学生的基础因材施教，有的放失，才能取得较好的教学效果。 三、《国际经济学》教学习题和案例分析的甄别 (一)教学习题方面 《国际经济学》是一门承上启下的重要课程，必要的练习是帮助学生更好理解教学内容，掌握解题思路的手段之一，国外众多版本的教材中都有较多参考资料，但是难易程度不一，需要选择。诸如在讲解提供曲线时，许多教材都在习题中对这个问题以习题形式来分析，但难度比较大。教师可以把这部分内容编入课堂教学中，以课堂思考题的形式直接提出并进行分析解答，可根据课堂反应来判断讲解的深入程度如何。纵观国内教材，习题编撰比较单一，一般都以简答或名词解释的形式呈现，没有任何新意，这就需要教师根据课堂教学内容进行习题编写，融入选择、判断以及计算分析等多种题型。比如在讲述区域经济一体化内容时，往年习题集中于问答题型，但讲授时可以把中国关于自贸区的政策介绍进去，那么习题编写时就可以考虑到时事部分，把关于自贸区的内容变成填空、选择或判断题，来考察学生在课后是否认真了解了这些经济时事政策。在讲述外汇和汇率时，可从贸易角度讲述金融结算方面的知识，那么习题就可以出一些计算分析题，国际经济活动中不同情形需要用什么汇率结算，怎样计算和分析等，这样学生就可以对该问题的应用有了更深的了解。 (二)案例分析方面 《国际经济学》的案例众多，选择性大，所以要选择合适的案例，要分析得当，讲解有深度，而且要为理论知识服务。比如在讲解国际直接投资和跨国公司的相关内容时，关于跨国公司的案例很多，但我们可以选取世界500强公司的前三十名进行比较分析，近三年来该榜单有什么变化，是什么原因造成的，经济形势对跨国公司的经营产生了怎样的影响，通过该案例的分析再来讲解跨国公司的相关理论，课堂的教学效果就非常好，学生理解起来也非常直观。在讲解国际收支相关内容时，除了罗列国际收支平衡表让学生理解分析外，还可把这几年国际收支平衡表的变化列出来给学生看，让其分析原因，再结合中国的“走出去”战略，让学生在学习国际收支平衡表内容的同时也知道了当前国际经济新形势下新的战略和选择。案例分析也要与时俱进，也要注重实例分析为理论服务的特点，才能达到较好的效果。 总之，为了把《国际经济学》的教学工作做得更好更透彻，任课老师应该充分作好各种准备工作，多阅读参考教材，将各类素材整理归纳到课堂上来讲解，多准备案例教学，让案例导入理论，从理论归纳到做法，从做法再总结出案例，循序渐进。每一章都要编写配套习题，习题内容要与课堂教学内容配套，做到相辅相成，相互融合，才能起到习题的训练效果。另外，国际经济的活动日新月异，跨境电商贸易和互联网金融异军突起，给该门课程的发展带来了新的契机，我们在讲授时也要充分意识到这一点，做到知识更新，才能取到更好的效果。 经济学论文篇3：《农业信息化建设在农村经济发展中的作用》 一、引言 如今我国各地区的贫富差距仍然较大，一些农村可能还在温饱阶段，而我们的社会已经不满足于小康社会，已经逐步向全面建设小康社会转型，这样发展的严重不均衡，使得农村经济发展更加落后。因此，全面建设小康社会的重点和难点就在于农村。随着社会的发展，农村人民对于生活也有了更高的要求，所以在农村实施农业信息化建设不仅可以缩小贫富差距，而且对于农村的经济发展是一个重大的推动力。中国农业要发展，就必须坚定不移地走农业信息化的道路。 二、农业信息化建设的意义 农业信息化是指在农业领域充分利用信息技术的方法手段和最新成果的过程。我国作为一个发展中国家，农业是国民经济的基础，农业的发展直接制约着工业和第三产业的发展，所以为了加速发展农村经济，农业信息化建设至关重要，它不仅仅可以促进农业增效，是统筹城乡经济社会发展的重要举措，还可以实现全面建设小康社会。 (一)有利于社会主义新农村建设 农业信息化建设可以引导农民改变传统的生产生活方式，促进农民享受现代社会的文明成果，推进农村科技、 文化 、 教育 、医疗等社会各项事业的发展。 (二)有利于改变农民的消费观念 农业信息化可以改善农民的生活环境，促使农民的消费观念和方式的改变。通过农业信息化的建设，农民可以利用网络了解关于农业生产的各种信息与技术。农业信息扩大了农民的视野，丰富了农民的文化娱乐生活，使他们不再封闭在自己的世界中，抵制消费，而是由注重物质文化生活的消费，向注重精神文化生活消费的转移。 (三)有利于提高农民的整体素质 通过农业信息化的建设，可以培养有文化、懂技术、会经营的新型农民。在现代信息化的时代，捕捉信息的 渠道 很多，信息化的建设就是信息来源的渠道之一，没有信息化的建设，到达农村的信息就是迟缓的、过时的，农民就无法得到有价值的信息，就无法掌握经济市场，和生产经营的主动权。如此农民就会丧失机遇，陷于被动，从而遭受经济损失。如果农民的整体素质提高了，就能快速抓住有价值的信息，为自己的农业生产创造条件。农业信息化提高了农民的整体素质，为他们的学习提供了更多的资源，以及为他们的经营管理提供了更多的方法。 (四)有助于促进农民走进社会市场 以前农村的生产基本上是自产自销，没有与社会市场连接，缺乏市场信息观念。对于社会市场信息不灵通，导致价格制定不合理，造成农副产品的生产大起大落。但是随着农业信息化建设，农民不再盲目生产，大大提高了生产效率和管理水平，促进了管理科学化、合理化和规范化，加快了农业的全面发展。 (五)有利于推动农村农业的进步，实现农业现代化 现在农业技术在不断地发展，农业信息化也被普遍运用于农业生产。农业信息技术的出现，带给了农民一种新的体验，这种技术的推广和普及，使农民能够通过网络进行远程技术培训和教育，弥补了原先农民农业生产知识和技术的缺乏。它促进了农民文化素质的提高和科技意识的增强，从而加快了农业现代化的步伐，促进了农业现代化的持续、稳定、健康的发展之路。 三、农村经济发展中的阻碍 (一)基础设施落后 基础设施是农村经济发展的基本物质保证，完善的基本设施是农村经济发展的基本前提。我国一些农村经济发展之所以缓慢，就是因为基本物质条件太差，比如道路交通不完善，交通网络结构单一，水、电、通讯不健全等，这些都是导致农村居民生活质量低下，严重阻碍农村经济发展的主要原因之一。 (二)农业生产方式落后 在农业信息化建设进入农村之前，不少地方的农民都是依靠传统的耕耘方式进行农业生产，使用的农业生产工具也是需要大量劳动力的传统工具，农村的农业生产方式落后，阻碍了农村的经济发展。 (三)农村资源开发利用率低 作为我国资源的宝库，农村具有较强的潜在资源优势。但是目前我国广大农村资源的开发力度低，资源开发利用率低，因此造成了大量资源闲置、浪费，无法促进资源优势向经济优势转变，从而无法带动农村经济的发展。 (四)农村经济发展对外开放程度低 我国农村普遍现象是农村较为封闭，导致外部资金无法进入，先进的科学技术和人才也难以引入，农村市场无法与外部市场接触，农村产生的经济难以推动整个农村的经济发展。 这些问题使得农村的经济发展受到了严重的阻碍，而农业信息化的到来，解决了这些影响农村经济发展的问题，从而加快了农村的经济发展。 四、农业信息化建设在农村经济发展中的作用 (一)农业信息化可以实现建设农村小康社会 随着中国特色社会主义建设事业的深入，在基本实现小康社会的情况下，我国正在向全面建设小康社会迈进。如今全面建设小康社会应该重点关注农村经济发展，所以农业信息化在农村的实施不可避免。目前，我国农村经济发展还比较落后，农业生产各方面的条件和机制都不够完善，而通过农业信息化建设，能够逐渐缩小贫富差距，让农村的经济发展一步步走上正轨，改善农民生活，从而逐渐实现建设农村小康社会。 (二)农业信息化可以提高农民收入 我国的传统农业模式正在慢慢转向信息化农业模式。以往农村科学技术和信息技术的落后，使得自然灾害容易对农业生产造成巨大的损失，而农业信息化的引入，改善了农业就业结构。对于农村居民来说，农业信息化提高了农业生产效率，有效的避免了自然灾害等因素所带来的影响，也就是在农业信息化的带动下，农村居民的收入提高了。另一方面，从整个社会来说，农业信息化提高了农业资源的利用率，提高了农业的生产水平和生产效率，效率提高了，所得到的回报也就更多。 农民收入的提高也表现在以下方面。一是农业信息化减少了市场交易的风险。农业信息化结合了生产、分配、消费等各个方面，它连接了买卖市场，减少了流通环节，节约了交易费用，也避免了消费过程中的各种纠纷，从而提高了农民收入。二是促进了农业经营模式的改善。以前农民都是通过自身的经验来生产产品，经营管理也没有系统的方式。然而通过农业信息化的建设，可以向农民传输科学知识以及农业生产的相关信息，使他们的经营管理规范化，从而使他们获得更大的经济效益。三是加快农业生产技术的推广。农业信息化可以有效的解决农村信息落后的问题，信息通过网络和多媒体技术把农业生产技术传递给农民，使农业生产科技得到发展和推广。 (三)农业信息化可以发展农村的市场经济 众所周知，我国是一个农业大国，长期以来，农业成本高，投入大，效率低，科技含量低，农民的文化素质和消费观念低下，相对落后的生产和销售方式制约着农村市场的经济发展。农村生产的产品量大时，即使低于城市多倍的价格销售，仍然解决不了大量积压产品，农村市场经济的不完善，使得产品没有销路是农村市场经济难以发展的原因之一。我国在几十年的农村改革中，农村市场经济通过农业信息化的建设，让农民进一步了解了社会的需求，供求走势，价格行情等，有效促进了农村市场经济的发展，使得农村经济发展又向前迈出了一步。 (四)农业信息化可以统筹城乡经济社会发展 农业信息化有助于推进农业和农村经济结构的调整，可以促进农村各项社会事业的发展。农业信息化的建设，让农村居民在教育、医疗、科技等方面逐渐拉近与城市居民之间的差距，以实行以城带乡，以工促农，城乡互动，协调发展，实现农业和农村经济的可持续性发展。 五、 进一步加强农业信息化发展的途径 (一)需要政府加大扶持力度 农业信息化的过程中肯定会遇到许多困难和矛盾，如果没有政府的大力扶持和资金支持，农民对农业信息化难以信服，特别是一些思想封闭，技术落后的农村。没有政府扶持的农业信息化建设就会像一盘散沙，没有企业化经营的管理人员，以农业信息化促进农村经济发展的规划就达不到预期的效果，那么农业信息化要真正地走进农村并被作用于农业生产等方面是很难的。 (二)需要培养农村信息人才，以此来推广农业信息化的应用 原本农民的文化程度都不高，他们因为农村的落后、种种因素和不利条件而无法接收良好的教育，这些原因使得农村人才匮乏，在这样的情况下，即使农业信息化对农民生活有诸多的好处，农民无法把它运用到生产农业事业中，那么农业信息化只是一场空谈。所以培养农村信息人才极其重要，有了这些专业的信息人才，农业信息化才能发挥它最大作用，农民也才会因此而受益。培养农村信息人才不仅是为了传播农业信息化的功能，也是为了激励农民工提高信息意识，自觉的关注信息和利用信息，培养他们使用信息的习惯和调动他们依靠信息的积极性。 六、结语 农业可持续发展是社会经济可持续发战略的重要组成部分。在全面实行农业信息化建设的过程中肯定会遇到困难，但是只有坚定不移的走农业信息化的道路，我国农村经济发展才会得到更好、更快的发展。相信在农业信息化的建设下一定会实现农村经济可持续发展，提高农民生活质量，增加农民收入，从而促进社会经济的发展。 猜你喜欢： 1. 大一经济学论文范文 2. 关于大一经济学论文范文 3. 关于大学经济学论文范文 4. 经济学术论文范文 5. 大一经济学论文范文精
Microeconomics is a branch of economics that studies how individuals, households and firms make decisions to allocate limited resources,[1] typically in markets where goods or services are being bought and sold. Microeconomics examines how these decisions and behaviours affect the supply and demand for goods and services, which determines prices; and how prices, in turn, determine the supply and demand of goods and services.[2][3] Macroeconomics, on the other hand, involves the "sum total of economic activity, dealing with the issues of growth, inflation and unemployment, and with national economic policies relating to these issues"[2] and the effects of government actions (such as changing taxation levels) on them.[4] Particularly in the wake of the Lucas critique, much of modern macroeconomic theory has been built upon 'microfoundations' — . based upon basic assumptions about micro-level behaviour. One of the goals of microeconomics is to analyze market mechanisms that establish relative prices amongst goods and services and allocation of limited resources amongst many alternative uses. Microeconomics analyzes market failure, where markets fail to produce efficient results, as well as describing the theoretical conditions needed for perfect competition. Significant fields of study in microeconomics include general equilibrium, markets under asymmetric information, choice under uncertainty and economic applications of game theory. Also considered is the elasticity of products within the market system. Assumptions and definitions The theory of supply and demand usually assumes that markets are perfectly competitive. This implies that there are many buyers and sellers in the market and none of them have the capacity to significantly influence prices of goods and services. In many real-life transactions, the assumption fails because some individual buyers or sellers or groups of buyers or sellers do have the ability to influence prices. Quite often a sophisticated analysis is required to understand the demand-supply equation of a good. However, the theory works well in simple situations. Mainstream economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where so-called market failures lead to resource allocation that is suboptimal by some standard (highways are the classic example, profitable to all for use but not directly profitable for anyone to finance). In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that will avoid waste directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by creating "missing markets" to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action. It also must be noted that "optimal welfare" usually takes on a Paretian norm, which in its mathematical application of Kaldor-Hicks Method, does not stay consistent with the Utilitarian norm within the normative side of economics which studies collective action, namely public choice. Market failure in positive economics (microeconomics) is limited in implications without mixing the belief of the economist and his or her theory. The demand for various commodities by individuals is generally thought of as the outcome of a utility-maximizing process. The interpretation of this relationship between price and quantity demanded of a given good is that, given all the other goods and constraints, this set of choices is that one which makes the consumer happiest. [edit] Modes of operation It is assumed that all firms are following rational decision-making, and will produce at the profit-maximizing output. Given this assumption, there are four categories in which a firm's profit may be considered. A firm is said to be making an economic profit when its average total cost is less than the price of each additional product at the profit-maximizing output. The economic profit is equal to the quantity output multiplied by the difference between the average total cost and the price. A firm is said to be making a normal profit when its economic profit equals zero. This occurs where average total cost equals price at the profit-maximizing output. If the price is between average total cost and average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, then the firm is said to be in a loss-minimizing condition. The firm should still continue to produce, however, since its loss would be larger if it were to stop producing. By continuing production, the firm can offset its variable cost and at least part of its fixed cost, but by stopping completely it would lose the entirety of its fixed cost. If the price is below average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, the firm should go into shutdown. Losses are minimized by not producing at all, since any production would not generate returns significant enough to offset any fixed cost and part of the variable cost. By not producing, the firm loses only its fixed cost. By losing this fixed cost the company faces a challenge. It must either exit the market or remain in the market and risk a complete loss. [edit] Market failure Main article: Market failure In microeconomics, the term "market failure" does not mean that a given market has ceased functioning. Instead, a market failure is a situation in which a given market does not efficiently organize production or allocate goods and services to consumers. Economists normally apply the term to situations where the inefficiency is particularly dramatic, or when it is suggested that non-market institutions would provide a more desirable result. On the other hand, in a political context, stakeholders may use the term market failure to refer to situations where market forces do not serve the public interest. The four main types or causes of market failure are: Monopolies or other cases of abuse of market power where a "single buyer or seller can exert significant influence over prices or output". Abuse of market power can be reduced by using antitrust regulations.[5] Externalities, which occur in cases where the "market does not take into account the impact of an economic activity on outsiders." There are positive externalities and negative externalities.[5] Positive externalities occur in cases such as when a television program on family health improves the public's health. Negative externalities occur in cases such as when a company’s processes pollutes air or waterways. Negative externalities can be reduced by using government regulations, taxes, or subsidies, or by using property rights to force companies and individuals to take the impacts of their economic activity into account. Public goods are goods that have the characteristics that they are non-excludable and non-rivalous and include national defense[5] and public health initiatives such as draining mosquito-breeding marshes. For example, if draining mosquito-breeding marshes was left to the private market, far fewer marshes would probably be drained. To provide a good supply of public goods, nations typically use taxes that compel all residents to pay for these public goods (due to scarce knowledge of the positive externalities to third parties/social welfare); and Cases where there is asymmetric information or uncertainty (information inefficiency).[5] Information asymmetry occurs when one party to a transaction has more or better information than the other party. For example, used-car salespeople may know whether a used car has been used as a delivery vehicle or taxi, information that may not be available to buyers. Typically it is the seller that knows more about the product than the buyer, but this is not always the case. An example of a situation where the buyer may have better information than the seller would be an estate sale of a house, as required by a last will and testament. A real estate broker purchasing this house may have more information about the house than the family members of the deceased. This situation was first described by Kenneth J. Arrow in a seminal article on health care in 1963 entitled "Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care," in the American Economic Review. George Akerlof later used the term asymmetric information in his 1970 work The Market for Lemons. Akerlof noticed that, in such a market, the average value of the commodity tends to go down, even for those of perfectly good quality, because the buyer has no way of knowing whether the product they are buying will turn out to be a "lemon" (a defective product). [edit] Opportunity cost Main article: Opportunity cost Although opportunity cost can be hard to quantify, the effect of opportunity cost is universal and very real on the individual level. In fact, this principle applies to all decisions, not just economic ones. Since the work of the Austrian economist Friedrich von Wieser, opportunity cost has been seen as the foundation of the marginal theory of value. Opportunity cost is one way to measure the cost of something. Rather than merely identifying and adding the costs of a project, one may also identify the next best alternative way to spend the same amount of money. The forgone profit of this next best alternative is the opportunity cost of the original choice. A common example is a farmer that chooses to farm his land rather than rent it to neighbors, wherein the opportunity cost is the forgone profit from renting. In this case, the farmer may expect to generate more profit himself. Similarly, the opportunity cost of attending university is the lost wages a student could have earned in the workforce, rather than the cost of tuition, books, and other requisite items (whose sum makes up the total cost of attendance). The opportunity cost of a vacation in the Bahamas might be the down payment money for a house. Note that opportunity cost is not the sum of the available alternatives, but rather the benefit of the single, best alternative. Possible opportunity costs of the city's decision to build the hospital on its vacant land are the loss of the land for a sporting center, or the inability to use the land for a parking lot, or the money that could have been made from selling the land, or the loss of any of the various other possible uses—but not all of these in aggregate. The true opportunity cost would be the forgone profit of the most lucrative of those listed. One question that arises here is how to assess the benefit of dissimilar alternatives. We must determine a dollar value associated with each alternative to facilitate comparison and assess opportunity cost, which may be more or less difficult depending on the things we are trying to compare. For example, many decisions involve environmental impacts whose dollar value is difficult to assess because of scientific uncertainty. Valuing a human life or the economic impact of an Arctic oil spill involves making subjective choices with ethical implications.
学术堂整理十五个经贸英语专业毕业论文题目，大家可以经常参考：1、经济全球化背景下竞争法、产业法与反倾销法的冲突与协调2、国际文化产业的非均衡竞争与中国的竞争方略3、中国的对外贸易环境与政策变化4、迎接宏观与微观上的时代变局5、建筑企业如何应对技术壁垒6、加速标准信息化管理增强企业风险防范能力7、电子商务环境下新型国际贸易交易结构的确定8、欧盟优惠性原产地规则调整与中国出口战略应对9、我国纺织品出口的比较优势与竞争优势10、经济全球化下我国加快发展国际保理的探讨11、中小企业国际市场营销策略探析12、日本对华投资与中日贸易的发展13、后配额时代我国纺织品出口面临的难题及对策14、电子商务的应用及对企业的影响15、商业信息的特点与搜集方法
英语专业的毕业论文提纲模板2017
英语专业的毕业论文提纲的模板是怎样的呢?英语专业的毕业论文提纲的目的和意义是什么呢?下面是我分享的英语专业的毕业论文提纲的模板，欢迎阅读!
一、目的和意义
英语专业的毕业论文写作是完成本科教学计划、实现本科培养目标的重要阶段;是对学生的英语实践技能、英语语言知识、经贸英语知识以及其他相关学科知识、全面素质、研究与创新能力进行检验考核的重要手段;是学生学士学位资格认证的重要依据;是衡量、评估英语专业教学质量与水平的重要内容之一。
二、选题原则
毕业论文选题应从本专业培养目标的要求出发，结合学科发展的动态和研究现状，尽可能使其具有发展与创新的空间，从而有利于巩固和拓宽学生的知识面，有利于对学生进行科研能力基本训练以及独立工作能力的培养。
毕业论文属于研究性论文，讲求一定的学术性，但其要求与目的有别于刊于学术杂志的学术论文，因而为确保学生在教学计划规定的时间内，在教师指导下完成所要求的工作，选题应遵循如下基本原则：
1、选题须符合教学大纲的基本要求和人才培养的基本规格，须体现专业训练的基本内容，须与所学的专业知识相衔接。
2、选题须充分考虑学生的语言能力、知识构成和专业兴趣。
3、选题的类型应多种多样，力求有益于学生综合运用多学科的理论知识与技能，有利于培养学生独立工作的能力。
4、选题须考虑完成的工作量与所需的时间应符合教学计划的要求，内容既要有探索、钻研的余地，又要考虑完成的可能性。工作量原则上应控制在经过努力能够在规定的时间内完成规定任务的范围内，以保证教学任务的完成。
三、类型及基本要求
英语专业毕业论文依据学术性质和类型不同应符合如下要求：
1、语言及语言学研究类论文
就本科毕业论文而言，纯语言研究无论在理论知识的储备上，还是在语料的收集上都有很大难度，不宜提倡。此类论文可以在语言结构(语音、语法、词汇、语篇等)，语言运用(独特的语言现象、语言手段、语言变化等)，语言文化(文化对语言理解、使用和学习的影响等)，两种语言对比等领域进行应用性的研究。应用性研究的重点在于如何运用现有的知识提出、分析、论证或解决在实践中出现的各种新问题，做出有参考或应用价值的结论。
2、文学评论类论文
此类论文应建立在对所评述的对象，尤其是文学文本的正确理解、解读的基础上，通过具体、细致、深入的分析与研究提出令人信服的、言之成理的结论。论文的形式可以是作家论、文学思潮或流派论、断代文学史论、文学批评介绍等。文学评论可采用不同的方法进行，如社会历史学的、美学与诗学的，也可以是比较的、文化学的方法。无论哪一种方法，都要求学生运用唯物主义与历史唯物主义的学术思想，要求以中国读者的评论视角与立场，进行具有一定新意的'探讨。
3、翻译研究类论文
此类论文可以是纯理论的研究，或具体翻译技巧的研究，或翻译与文化的关系(或与其他学科的关系)的研究，也可以由学生对名家名译做对比性研究，另加对作品本身的评述，对某一翻译理论或技巧进行阐述。
4、语言教学研究类论文
此类研究属交叉学科的研究，涉及语言学、心理语言学、社会语言学、教育学及教学法等，是一个十分广泛的研究领域。其研究范围包括语言研究(教师语言及学习者语言研究)，教学方法与技巧研究，课堂教学管理策略研究，学生个体差异研究，影响教学效果的外部条件研究，教育技术的使用与开发研究，教材的分析与评估研究，测试与评估研究，素质教育与外语教学等。此类研究无论从选题，还是方法，或是研究的过程以及结论都应具有应用的意义和价值，突出对语言教学的指导意义和作用。
5、经贸方向研究类论文
此类论文可以是经济、金融、财会、国际贸易、贸易法规、现代管理学等相关领域的纯理论或实证性研究，可结合所学相关经贸及管理类课程，运用现有的知识提出、分析、论证或解决在实践中出现的各种新问题，作出有参考或应用价值的结论。
四、任务及深度要求
毕业论文的主要内容包括：选题、开题报告、论文提纲、论文撰写、论文答辩等，其具体要求遵照《南京工程学院外语系毕业论文实施方法(试行)》相关规定;论文工作与所学专业知识相关，工作量饱满，满足学生一人一题的要求。论文用英文撰写，具有一定的创新性和应用性，正文篇幅在5，000词以上，参考文献8篇(种)以上。指导教师与学生定期见面，并填写《毕业论文指导记录》。
五、考核办法
毕业论文考核及成绩评定由三部分组成：
1、根据毕业论文撰写过程中学生分析、解决问题能力的表现，论文观点的新颖性，论文结构的合理性，论文论证的逻辑性，英语表达的正确性和地道性，以及学生的工作态度，指导教师给予满分为40分的成绩评定。
2、根据毕业论文的指导思想与方案制订的科学性，论文论据的充分性，论文的创见与突破性，论文的结构、文字表达情况，评阅老师给予满分为20分的成绩评定。
3、根据学生本人对论文工作的总体介绍，毕业论文的质量，答辩中回答问题的正确程度，英语语音、语调的规范性和流畅性，答辩小组给予满分为40分的成绩评定。
六、毕业论文时间分配
序号 内 容 时间(周)
1 完成开题报告及相关参考文献的选定工作 4
2 完成论文初稿的撰写 5
3 完成论文二稿的撰写 2
4 完成论文三稿的撰写并定稿 2
5 毕业论文答辩 1
合 计 14
七、其它说明
外语系毕业论文实行“末位淘汰制”，即综合评定成绩倒数1-3名的学生论文将被判定为不合格，学生无权获得学士学位。
contents
introduction………………………………………………………………1
common historical background……………………………………1
international………………………………………………………1
national…………………………………………………………1
common beliefs of beats and rockers……………………………2
rebellion against conventions……………………………………2
beats in literature………………………………………………2
rockers in music circles………………………………………3
ideologies in between……………………………………………4
beatniks were fed up with their government about
the explanations of why things happened……………………4
their same destiny……………………………………………4
beat culture and rock culture were not accepted by
both capitalist and socialist ideologies………………………5
belief in oriental religion…………………………………………5
beatniks study on chinese buddhism…………………………6
rockers belief in indian buddhism……………………………6
identical lifestyles………………………………………………6
bohemian…………………………………………………………7
beats…………………………………………………………7
rockers………………………………………………………7
madness…………………………………………………………8
the beats regarded modern american life as cruel, selfish,
and impersonal that writers and artists were being driven
to madness……………………………………………………8
rockers were mad enough to drive rockniks crazy on
rock circus spot………………………………………………9
self-indulgent……………………………………………………9
drugs…………………………………………………………9
homosexual…………………………………………………10
4. the same conduct……………………………………………………10
beats of satan and angles………………………………………10
rockers' conduct of the two sides………………………………11
conclusion………………………………………………………………13
Why should we write the thesis?
To write a thesis before graduation is a must for every university graduate.
By writing a thesis, we may get some experience and some basic methods for further theoretical study and research and the ability to solve problems.
It is the reflection of a student’s study in college.
Whether a student has such an ability to write a thesis or to solve problems in his/her field is one basis for a unit to accept him/her or not.
How long should we prepare for writing a thesis?One year or so
What do we need when we write a thesis?
Firstly, for English major, most important of all, it is English knowledge and ability that based on your language skills, especially writing skill and grammar knowledge.
Secondly, the way of writing is also important.
A good title, some good ideas to support thesis statement, right language and standard format are what we need.
The language style is something that we should pay much attention to, for example:
Wording: we prefer big word to small one;
Sentence: Long sentences are quite expectable.
How do we write a thesis? How many steps should we follow?
Generally speaking, when we write a thesis, we follow 10 steps:
1. Choose a subject: that is, what you are going to write about. For English major, we may apply:
2. Choose a title/Title a paper;
3. Collect materials for reference in writing;
4. Analyze the collected materials;
5. Sort out the data and arguments;
6. List references;
7. Make up an outline;
8. 1—3 drafts;
9. Proofread;
10. The last version.
What subjects may we choose to write?
English and American Literature
The Practice and Theory of Translation
English Language
English Linguistics
English Grammar
English Phonetics
English Lexicology
English Rhetoric
Language and Culture
ELT Methodology
Teaching English in Middle School
English Teaching Research and Survey
The History of… (All mentioned above)
提供一些经贸英语专业的毕业论文的题目，供参考。 1、外贸业务报价的策略分析 2、浅析答复买家的第一次询盘原则和方法 3、论外贸函电的语言特点 4、简析拟写进出口合同 5、商业英文书信所使用的词语分类浅析 6、不同交货条件下的风险及防范措施 7、应对进出口贸易中的索赔 8、浅析国际贸易中银行所起的作用 9、评析出口贸易中保险公司的作用 10、区域经济一体化对我国经济的影响 11、电子商务的发展对我国国际贸易的影响 12、加入WTO以后对我国保险业的影响 13、结合我国国有企业改革，谈谈管理层收购（MBO） 14、全球经济一体化趋势下我国的政策选择 15、绿色贸易壁垒对我国国际贸易的影响 16、加入WTO以后对我国银行体制改革的影响 17、出口导向战略与进口替代战略的政策选择 18、加入WTO以后对我国汽车工业的影响19、针对技术性贸易壁垒，我国的现实选择
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
Health careA new prescription for the poor为贫穷者新开的处方America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition“IT’S time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically. At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a determined samba.“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。Comprehensive Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer, is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others seem to agree.经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。Medicaid, America’s health programme for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into “managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive their health-care treatment.公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的 三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。Medicaid is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other than education. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in 2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However, there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.公共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。Enrolment in Medicaid jumped during the downturn, from in December 2007 to in June 2010. Mr Obama’s stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been structural: the expansion of managed care.公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年12月的 4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。States have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the 1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are introducing it. Other states are extending it to people previously deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate. But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。The result is a country with two distinct tiers of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is becoming the norm.结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。Advocates of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。The next step is to integrate care for those eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the old. These “duals” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just 15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove it.”下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October 3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。The outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists they need.道格拉斯 v 独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。The question is how to supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.问题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。“I’m a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.“我是管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关怀。
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
othing in literature can long s
China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the . government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange rateFirst, the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of Sino-US trade deficit1, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balanceChina and the United States for such a big difference between two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China through Hong Kong re-exports of double counting in China's exports to the United States (2), the . trade data Collection process has many , Sino-US trade deficit is what causes(1), the . Government's high-tech products export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason.(2), . investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the . multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is . multinational companies to reduce production costs and increase profits one of the main channel.(3), the . trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income account3, Liaokai . foreign trade deficit . imports from the large number of foreign companies in setting up their own production lines, in other words, the . subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries trade with the countries of the economist Julius once the . balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the . trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion . dollars into 57 billion A surplus of . dollars. According to the . Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the . subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million . dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion . dollars, almost 3 trillion . dollars, and foreign exports to the . and foreign companies in the . , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of trillion . dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the . exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion . dollars. Over the same period, imports of . and foreign multinational companies in the . market sales, and for both of trillion . dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion . dollars, and this is when the analysis of the . foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the , the . trade deficit, the real reason for the(1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar, which makes . goods, services, trade Deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion . dollars.(2) deterioration of the low . savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building.(3) . multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods."China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
翻译如下：China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the . government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange , the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of a Sino-US trade deficit, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balance statistics difference between the two countries so large there are two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China's re-exports through Hong Kong Double-counting of trade in China's exports to the United States (2), the . trade data collection process has many , Sino-US trade deficit is what causes (1), the . Government's high-tech products export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason. (2), . investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the . multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is . multinational companies to reduce production costs and increase profits one of the main channel.(3), the . trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income , Liaokai . foreign trade deficit veil of the United States imports a large number of companies from abroad set up their own production lines, in other words, the . subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries with national The document economist Julius once the . balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the . trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion . dollars into 57 billion A surplus of . dollars. According to the . Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the . subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million . dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion . dollars, almost 3 trillion . dollars, and foreign exports to the . and foreign companies in the . , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of trillion . dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the . exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion . dollars. Over the same period, imports of . and foreign multinational companies in the . market sales, and for both of trillion . dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion . dollars, and this is when the analysis of the . foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the , the . trade deficit, the real reason (1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar exchange rate, these Are making . goods, services trade deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion . dollars.(2) deterioration of the low . savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building. (3) . multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods." China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation.
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因为是在网吧，只找到3篇文章，如果楼主觉得合适发邮件到我把全文发给你[1]Sornn-Friese, H. and J. S?rensen, Linkage lock-in and regional economic development: the case of the ?resund medi-tech plastics industry. Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 2005. 17(4): p. 267-291.[2]Warner, M., Putting Child Care in the Regional Economy: Empirical and Conceptual Challenges and Economic Development Prospects. JOURNAL-COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT SOCIETY, 2006. 37(2): p. 7.[3]André, F., M. Cardenete, and E. Velázquez, Performing an environmental tax reform in a regional economy. A computable general equilibrium approach. The Annals of Regional Science, 2005. 39(2): p. 375-392.
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