Exchange rate
In finance, the exchange rates (also known as the foreign-exchange rate, forex rate or FX rate) between two currencies specifies how much one currency is worth in terms of the other. For example an exchange rate of 102 Japanese yen (JPY, ¥) to the United States dollar (USD, $) means that JPY 102 is worth the same as USD 1. The foreign exchange market is one of the largest markets in the world. By some estimates, about 2 trillion USD worth of currency changes hands every day.
The spot exchange rate refers to the current exchange rate. The forward exchange rate refers to an exchange rate that is quoted and traded today but for delivery and payment on a specific future date.
Quotations
An exchange rate quotation is given by stating the number of units of "term currency" or "price currency" that can be bought in terms of 1 unit currency (also called base currency). For example, in a quotation that says the EURUSD exchange rate is 1.3 (1.3 USD per EUR), the term currency is USD and the base currency is EUR.
There is a market convention that determines which is the base currency and which is the term currency. In most parts of the world, the order is:
EUR - GBP - AUD - USD - *** (where *** is any other currency).
Thus if you are doing a conversion from EUR into AUD, EUR is the base currency, AUD is the term currency and the exchange rate tells you how many Australian dollars you would pay or receive for 1 euro. Cyprus and Malta which were quoted as the base to the USD and *** were recently removed from this list when they joined the euro. In some areas of Europe and in the non-professional market in the UK, EUR and GBP are reversed so that GBP is quoted as the base currency to the euro. In order to determine which is the base currency where both currencies are not listed (i.e. both are ***), market convention is to use the base currency which gives an exchange rate greater than 1.000. This avoids rounding issues and exchange rates being quoted to more than 4 decimal places. There are some exceptions to this rule e.g. the Japanese often quote their currency as the base to other currencies.
Quotes using a country's home currency as the price currency (e.g., EUR 1.00 = $1.45 in the US) are known as direct quotation or price quotation (from that country's perspective) ([1]) and are used by most countries.
Quotes using a country's home currency as the unit currency (e.g., £0.4762 = $1.00 in the US) are known as indirect quotation or quantity quotation and are used in British newspapers and are also common in Australia, New Zealand and the eurozone.
direct quotation: 1 foreign currency unit = x home currency units
indirect quotation: 1 home currency unit = x foreign currency units
Note that, using direct quotation, if the home currency is strengthening (i.e., appreciating, or becoming more valuable) then the exchange rate number decreases. Conversely if the foreign currency is strengthening, the exchange rate number increases and the home currency is depreciating.
When looking at a currency pair such as EURUSD, the first component (EUR in this case) will be called the base currency. The second is called the term currency. For example : EURUSD = 1.33866, means EUR is the base and USD the term, so 1 EUR = 1.33866 USD.
Currency pairs are often incorrectly quoted with a "/" (forward slash). In fact if the slash is inserted, the order of the currencies should be reversed. This gives the exchange rate. e.g. if EUR1 is worth USD1.35, euro is the base currency and dollar is the term currency so the exchange rate is stated EURUSD or USD/EUR. To get the exchange rate divide the USD amount by the euro amount e.g. 1.35/1.00 = 1.35
Market convention from the early 1980s to 2006 was that most currency pairs were quoted to 4 decimal places for spot transactions and up to 6 decimal places for forward outrights or swaps. (The fourth decimal place is usually referred to as a "pip.") An exception to this was exchange rates with a value of less than 1.000 which were usually quoted to 5 or 6 decimal places. Although there is no fixed rule, exchange rates with a value greater than around 20 were usually quoted to 3 decimal places and currencies with a value greater than 80 were quoted to 2 decimal places. Currencies over 5000 were usually quoted with no decimal places (e.g. the former Turkish Lira). e.g. (GBPOMR : 0.765432 - EURUSD : 1.3386 - GBPBEF : 58.234 - EURJPY : 165.29). In other words, quotes are given with 5 digits. Where rates are below 1, quotes frequently include 5 decimal places.
In 2006 Barclays Capital broke with convention by offering spot exchange rates with 5 or 6 decimal places. The contraction of spreads (the difference between the bid and offer rates) arguably necessitated finer pricing and gave the banks the ability to try and win transaction on multibank trading platforms where all banks may otherwise have been quoting the same price. A number of other banks have now followed this.
Free or pegged
Main article: Exchange rate regime
If a currency is free-floating, its exchange rate is allowed to vary against that of other currencies and is determined by the market forces of supply and demand. Exchange rates for such currencies are likely to change almost constantly as quoted on financial markets, mainly by banks, around the world. A movable or adjustable peg system is a system of fixed exchange rates, but with a provision for the devaluation of a currency. For example, between 1994 and 2005, the Chinese yuan renminbi (RMB) was pegged to the United States dollar at RMB 8.2768 to $1. China was not the only country to do this; from the end of World War II until 1966, Western European countries all maintained fixed exchange rates with the US dollar based on the Bretton Woods system. [2]
Nominal and real exchange rates
The nominal exchange rate e is the price in domestic currency of one unit of a foreign currency.
The real exchange rate (RER) is defined as , where P is the domestic price level and P * the foreign price level. P and P * must have the same arbitrary value in some chosen base year. Hence in the base year, RER = e.
The RER is only a theoretical ideal. In practice, there are many foreign currencies and price level values to take into consideration. Correspondingly, the model calculations become increasingly more complex. Furthermore, the model is based on purchasing power parity (PPP), which implies a constant RER. The empirical determination of a constant RER value could never be realised, due to limitations on data collection. PPP would imply that the RER is the rate at which an organization can trade goods and services of one economy (e.g. country) for those of another. For example, if the price of a good increases 10% in the UK, and the Japanese currency simultaneously appreciates 10% against the UK currency, then the price of the good remains constant for someone in Japan. The people in the UK, however, would still have to deal with the 10% increase in domestic prices. It is also worth mentioning that government-enacted tariffs can affect the actual rate of exchange, helping to reduce price pressures. PPP appears to hold only in the long term (3–5 years) when prices eventually correct towards parity.
More recent approaches in modelling the RER employ a set of macroeconomic variables, such as relative productivity and the real interest rate differential.
Bilateral vs effective exchange rate
Bilateral exchange rate involves a currency pair, while effective exchange rate is weighted average of a basket of foreign currencies, and it can be viewed as an overall measure of the country's external competitiveness. A nominal effective exchange rate (NEER) is weighted with trade weights. a real effective exchange rate (REER) adjust NEER by appropriate foreign price level and deflates by the home country price level. Compared to NEER, a GDP weighted effective exchange rate might be more appropriate considering the global investment phenomenon.
Uncovered interest rate parity
See also: Interest rate parity#Uncovered interest rate parity
Uncovered interest rate parity (UIRP) states that an appreciation or depreciation of one currency against another currency might be neutralized by a change in the interest rate differential. If US interest rates exceed Japanese interest rates then the US dollar should depreciate against the Japanese yen by an amount that prevents arbitrage. The future exchange rate is reflected into the forward exchange rate stated today. In our example, the forward exchange rate of the dollar is said to be at a discount because it buys fewer Japanese yen in the forward rate than it does in the spot rate. The yen is said to be at a premium.
UIRP showed no proof of working after 1990s. Contrary to the theory, currencies with high interest rates characteristically appreciated rather than depreciated on the reward of the containment of inflation and a higher-yielding currency.
Balance of payments model
This model holds that a foreign exchange rate must be at its equilibrium level - the rate which produces a stable current account balance. A nation with a trade deficit will experience reduction in its foreign exchange reserves which ultimately lowers (depreciates) the value of its currency. The cheaper currency renders the nation's goods (exports) more affordable in the global market place while making imports more expensive. After an intermediate period, imports are forced down and exports rise, thus stabilizing the trade balance and the currency towards equilibrium.
Like PPP, the balance of payments model focuses largely on tradable goods and services, ignoring the increasing role of global capital flows. In other words, money is not only chasing goods and services, but to a larger extent, financial assets such as stocks and bonds. Their flows go into the capital account item of the balance of payments, thus, balancing the deficit in the current account. The increase in capital flows has given rise to the asset market model.
Asset market model
See also: Capital asset pricing model
The explosion in trading of financial assets (stocks and bonds) has reshaped the way analysts and traders look at currencies. Economic variables such as economic growth, inflation and productivity are no longer the only drivers of currency movements. The proportion of foreign exchange transactions stemming from cross border-trading of financial assets has dwarfed the extent of currency transactions generated from trading in goods and services.
The asset market approach views currencies as asset prices traded in an efficient financial market. Consequently, currencies are increasingly demonstrating a strong correlation with other markets, particularly equities.
Like the stock exchange, money can be made or lost on the foreign exchange market by investors and speculators buying and selling at the right times. Currencies can be traded at spot and foreign exchange options markets. The spot market represents current exchange rates, whereas options are derivatives of exchange rates.
Fluctuations in exchange rates
A market based exchange rate will change whenever the values of either of the two component currencies change. A currency will tend to become more valuable whenever demand for it is greater than the available supply. It will become less valuable whenever demand is less than available supply (this does not mean people no longer want money, it just means they prefer holding their wealth in some other form, possibly another currency).
Increased demand for a currency is due to either an increased transaction demand for money, or an increased speculative demand for money. The transaction demand for money is highly correlated to the country's level of business activity, gross domestic product (GDP), and employment levels. The more people there are unemployed, the less the public as a whole will spend on goods and services. Central banks typically have little difficulty adjusting the available money supply to accommodate changes in the demand for money due to business transactions.
The speculative demand for money is much harder for a central bank to accommodate but they try to do this by adjusting interest rates. An investor may choose to buy a currency if the return (that is the interest rate) is high enough. The higher a country's interest rates, the greater the demand for that currency. It has been argued that currency speculation can undermine real economic growth, in particular since large currency speculators may deliberately create downward pressure on a currency in order to force that central bank to sell their currency to keep it stable (once this happens, the speculator can buy the currency back from the bank at a lower price, close out their position, and thereby take a profit).
In choosing what type of asset to is officially pegged, synthetic markets have emerged that can behave as if the yuan were floating).
汇率
在经济学上，汇率定义为两国货币之间兑换的比例。通常会将某一国的货币设为基准，以此换算金额价值他国几元的货币。在英文使用方面，有时简写为FX，此为外国货币Foreign Exchange的简写。
通俗的说，是一国货币单位兑换他国货币单位的比率，也可以说是用一国货币表示的另一国货币的价格。
汇率的特性在于它多半是浮动的比率。只要货币能够透过汇率自由交换，依交换量的多寡，就会影响隔天的汇率，因此，有人也以赚汇差营利，今日以较低的比率购进某一外币，隔日等到较高的比率出现时，再转手卖出。
所以有时汇率也能看出一个国家的经济状况。了解外汇也能看出这个国家的出口贸易状况。
交叉汇率
所谓交叉汇率是指两种不同货币之间的价格关系，两个国家之间的货币汇兑是利用各自对美元的汇率套算得出。
举例来看，若一美元可分别兑换0.8112欧元、109.28日圆，则欧元兑日圆的交叉汇率为134.71（= 109.28/0.8112）。
INTO THE STORM
FOR much of the past year the fast-growing economies of the emerging world watched the Western financial hurricane from afar. Their own banks held few of the mortgage-based assets that undid the rich world’s financial firms. Commodity exporters were thriving, thanks to high prices for raw materials. China’s economic juggernaut powered on. And, from Budapest to Brasília, an abundance of credit fuelled domestic demand. Even as talk mounted of the rich world suffering its worst financial collapse since the Depression, emerging economies seemed a long way from the centre of the storm.
过去一年的大部分时间里，高速发展的新兴国家一直在远处观望着西方国家的金融风暴。他们的银行仅持有少量抵押资产，而类似的资产已经破坏了发达国家的金融公司。商品出口商因为原材料的高价格而日渐富有。中国不可抗拒的经济力量已然开启，而且信贷刺激的内需从布达佩斯到巴西利亚都表现得非常充足。尽管大萧条后关于西方国家受难于金融崩塌的话题与日俱增，但新兴国家似乎距离金融风暴的中心还有一段距离。
No longer. As foreign capital has fled and confidence evaporated, the emerging world’s stockmarkets have plunged (in some cases losing half their value) and currencies tumbled. The seizure in the credit market caused havoc, as foreign banks abruptly stopped lending and stepped back from even the most basic banking services, including trade credits.
不过目前的情况不再是那样了，随着境外资本的流失和经济信心的消失，新兴国家股市暴跌（有些地区已经腰斩），本币迅速贬值。由于外国银行突然中断贷款，并且收缩了包括贸易信贷在内的基础银行服务，新兴国家的信贷市场突发混乱，并引发了一场浩劫。
Like their rich-world counterparts, governments are battling to limit the damage (see article). That is easiest for those with large foreign-exchange reserves. Russia is spending $220 billion to shore up its financial services industry. South Korea has guaranteed $100 billion of its banks’ debt. Less well-endowed countries are asking for help. Hungary has secured a EURO5 billion ($6.6 billion) lifeline from the European Central Bank and is negotiating a loan from the IMF, as is Ukraine. Close to a dozen countries are talking to the fund about financial help.
新兴国家的政府和发达国家的政府一样都在为控制损失程度而奋斗。不过对于外汇储备充足的国家来说难度会小一些：俄罗斯斥资2200亿美元重振金融服务行业；韩国政府担保了1000亿美元的银行债务。而那些储备并不充足的国家正在四处求援：匈牙利成功向欧洲央行求得了50亿欧元（约66亿美元）的生命线，同时也在同国际货币基金组织协商借款事宜，同时向国际货币基金组织求援的还有乌克兰。近一打儿的国家在向基金组织求助。
Those with long-standing problems are being driven to desperate measures. Argentina is nationalising its private pension funds, seemingly to stave off default (see article). But even stalwarts are looking weaker. Figures released this week showed that China’s growth slowed to 9% in the year to the third quarter-still a rapid pace but a lot slower than the double-digit rates of recent years.
有持续问题的国家正棋行险招：阿根廷正在将私人养老金国有化，意图阻止违约的发生。即使强有力的国家也表现出虚弱一面：本周公布的数字表明今年中国的增长率在第三季度减缓为9%，虽然增速还算快，但是与近些年的两位数增率相比缓慢了不少。
Blowing cold on credit
对信贷没兴趣
The various emerging economies are in different states of readiness, but the cumulative impact of all this will be enormous. Most obviously, how these countries fare will determine whether the world economy faces a mild recession or something nastier. Emerging economies accounted for around three-quarters of global growth over the past 18 months. But their economic fate will also have political consequences.
众多新兴经济的意愿并不相同，但是累计在一起的影响力却非同一般。最明显的就是这些国家的表现将会决定世界经济所面临的是一个较为缓和的衰退还是更可怕的情况。在过去18个月的全球经济增长中，新兴经济贡献了75%。但是他们的经济命运也会有一些政治后果。
In many places-eastern Europe is one example (see article)-financial turmoil is hitting weak governments. But even strong regimes could suffer. Some experts think that China needs growth of 7% a year to contain social unrest. More generally, the coming strife will shape the debate about the integration of the world economy. Unlike many previous emerging-market crises, today’s mess spread from the rich world, largely thanks to increasingly integrated capital markets. If emerging economies collapse-either into a currency crisis or a sharp recession-there will be yet more questioning of the wisdom of globalised finance.
在类似东欧的很多地区，金融混乱目前的打击目标是软弱的政府；但强硬的政权同样会尝到苦果。一些专家认为中国每年需要7%的增长率来阻止社会动荡的发生。总体来说，如此争端必将影响全球经济一体化的讨论。与以往数次新兴经济危机不同，这次的混乱始于发达国家，很大程度上要归咎于一体化的资本市场。一旦新兴经济崩溃，无论是货币危机还是剧烈的经济萧条，大家对于金融全球化是否属明智之举会有更多的质疑。
Fortunately, the picture is not universally dire. All emerging economies will slow. Some will surely face deep recessions. But many are facing the present danger in stronger shape than ever before, armed with large reserves, flexible currencies and strong budgets. Good policy-both at home and in the rich world-can yet avoid a catastrophe.
幸运的是上述恐怖的场景没有发生在全球的每个角落：所有的新兴经济都会减缓发展速度，有一些也必将面临深度萧条；但是更多的国家在面临当下危机的时候却拥有比以往任何时候都强壮的形式，用充足的储备、弹性的货币和强大的预算武装自己。新兴国家及发达国家良好的政策可以避免大灾难的发生。
One reason for hope is that the direct economic fallout from the rich world’s disaster is manageable. Falling demand in America and Europe hurts exports, particularly in Asia and Mexico. Commodity prices have fallen: oil is down nearly 60% from its peak and many crops and metals have done worse. That has a mixed effect. Although it hurts commodity-exporters from Russia to South America, it helps commodity importers in Asia and reduces inflation fears everywhere. Countries like Venezuela that have been run badly are vulnerable (see article), but given the scale of the past boom, the commodity bust so far seems unlikely to cause widespread crises.
至少有一个原因值得抱有希望：发达国家此次灾难的直接经济影响还是在可控的范围内。欧美锐减的需求对出口来说无疑是一个打击，特别是对亚洲和墨西哥。商品价格走低：原油价格与巅峰时期比较已经下降了60%，很多粮食和金属类商品跌幅更大。这两个现象有混合效果：尽管从俄罗斯到南美的商品（能源）出口企业备受打击，但却帮助了亚洲的商品（能源）进口商，并且缓和了各地对通胀的恐惧。委内瑞拉的情形一直很糟糕，也很脆弱；不过由于过去极度的繁荣，商品价格下跌目前还不会引发大范围传播的危机。
The more dangerous shock is financial. Wealth is being squeezed as asset prices decline. China’s house prices, for instance, have started falling (see article). This will dampen domestic confidence, even though consumers are much less indebted than they are in the rich world. Elsewhere, the sudden dearth of foreign-bank lending and the flight of hedge funds and other investors from bond markets has slammed the brakes on credit growth. And just as booming credit once underpinned strong domestic spending, so tighter credit will mean slower growth.
比商品价格更令人震惊的事情发生在金融领域。由于资产价格的下降，财富水平正在被挤压缩水。以中国房价为例，目前已经开始下跌。尽管新兴国家的消费者比发达国家的负债水平低很多，上述情况还是会挫伤国内的经济信心。在其他方面，国外银行借款骤然匮乏、对冲基金以及其他投资者逃离债券市场，这些因素给信贷增长踩了一脚急刹车。正如发达的信贷曾经强力支撑国内支出那样，信贷紧缩将意味着增长放缓。
Again, the impact will differ by country. Thanks to huge current-account surpluses in China and the oil-exporters in the Gulf, emerging economies as a group still send capital to the rich world. But over 80 have deficits of more than 5% of GDP. Most of these are poor countries that live off foreign aid; but some larger ones rely on private capital. For the likes of Turkey and South Africa a sudden slowing in foreign financing would force a dramatic adjustment. A particular worry is eastern Europe, where many countries have double-digit deficits. In addition, even some countries with surpluses, such as Russia, have banks that have grown accustomed to easy foreign lending because of the integration of global finance. The rich world’s bank bail-outs may limit the squeeze, but the flow of capital to the emerging world will slow. The Institute of International Finance, a bankers’ group, expects a 30% decline in net flows of private capital from last year.
需要再次重申的是，冲击的表现会因国家的不同而有所区别。多亏中国和海湾产油国经常项目下的巨额顺差，新型经济整体还不断的向发达国家输送资本。但是80 多个国家的财政赤字已经超过GDP的5%，其中的多数是那些依靠国外救助过活得贫困国家；不过也有一些依靠私人资本的大国。对于类似土耳其和南非的国家来说，突然减缓的境外融资迫使其进行大幅调整。东欧的情况特别令人担忧，那里的不少国家赤字水平已经达到了两位数。另外，象俄罗斯这样处于顺差的国家，其银行也逐渐适应了可以轻易从外国取得的贷款，原因自然是全球金融一体化。发达国家的救助计划也许可以限制财富被挤压的水平，但资本流向新兴世界的速度无疑会减慢。国际金融研协会预测私人资本的净流量比去年回减少30%。
A wing and a prayer
飞行之翼与祈祷者
This credit crunch will be grim, but most emerging markets can avoid catastrophe. The biggest ones are in relatively good shape. The more vulnerable ones can (and should) be helped.
信贷紧缩必将令人生畏，不过多数新兴市场可以躲过一劫，最大的市场形势还相当不错。比较脆弱的市场可以（也应该）得到帮助。
Among the giants, China is in a league of its own, with a $2 trillion arsenal of reserves, a current-account surplus, little connection to foreign banks and a budget surplus that offers lots of room to boost spending. Since the country’s leaders have made clear that they will do whatever it takes to cushion growth, China’s economy is likely to slow-perhaps to 8%-but not collapse. Although that is not enough to save the world economy, such growth in China would put a floor under commodity prices and help other countries in the emerging world.
在那些坚强的巨人中，中国卓然不群：手握2万亿美元的储备，经常项下的顺差状态，与国外银行罕有关联，过剩的预算给推动支出留有足够空间。鉴于国家领导人已经明确表示将不惜一切代价为经济增长减速缓冲，中国的经济增长应该会减缓到大约8%的水平，但是决不会崩溃。虽然这不足以挽救世界经济，但是该增长率将会为商品价格建底并帮到新兴世界的其他国家。
The other large economies will be harder hit, but should be able to weather the storm. India has a big budget deficit and many Brazilian firms have a large foreign-currency exposure. But Brazil’s economy is diversified and both countries have plenty of reserves to smooth the shift to slower growth. With $550 billion of reserves, Russia ought to be able to stop a run on the rouble. In the short-term at least, the most vulnerable countries are all smaller ones.
其他的经济大国会受到更大的冲击，不过应该可以禁受住风暴侵袭。印度的财政赤字巨大，巴西很多公司面临巨大的外汇风险。但巴西经济已经实现多样化，同时上述两个国家拥有充足的储备来平稳过渡到缓慢的增长。俄罗斯掌握着5500亿美元的储备，应该能够阻止对卢布的抢购。至少在短期内，小国家才是最弱不禁风的。
There will be pain as tighter credit forces adjustments. But sensible, speedy international assistance would make a big difference. Several emerging countries have asked America’s Federal Reserve for liquidity support; some hope that China will bail them out. A better route is surely the IMF, which has huge expertise and some $250 billion to lend. Sadly, borrowing from the fund carries a stigma. That needs to change. The IMF should develop quicker, more flexible financial instruments and minimise the conditions it attaches to loans. Over the past month deft policymaking saw off calamity in the rich world. Now it is time for something similar in the emerging world.
受到紧缩信贷压力进行的调整必然带来痛苦，但快速的国际援助是明智之举，因为这会让结果很不相同。一些新兴国家已经向美联储求援以缓解流动性问题；有一些则希望中国可以拯救他们与水火。更佳的求救路线莫过于国际货币基金组织，因为它掌握大量的专门知识和2500亿美元的可出借款项。不幸的是人们认为向基金借款有辱其名，国际货币基金组织应该推出更快捷、更灵活的金融工具，同时实现借贷条件最小化。过去数月中，机敏的决策驱散了发达国家的灾难。现在也正是新兴世界发生类似事情的时候了。
三、对实证结果的分析
从我国货币供给机制来看，目前我国基础货币的投放主要通过4条渠道：一是对金融机构的再贴现和再贷款；二是外汇占款；三是对财政贷款或透支；四是央行的直接贷款。我国近年来连续呈现国际收支顺差，外汇储备规模不断增加，使外汇占款逐渐成为基础货币投放的主要渠道，这一点可从1995年汇率改革以后我国外汇占款占基础货币的比重可以看出，如表4所示。
我国外汇储备一直处于较快的增长状态，究其原因，一方面，这和我国企业的结售汇制度有密切关系。根据我国结售汇制度规定，企业超过限额的外汇收入必须在45天内进行结汇，而用汇时须从银行购买。对于外汇指定的银行也只能持有额定的外汇，多余或不足的部分通过银行间外汇市场买卖，最终必须归结于人民银行。所以外汇市场并没有体现真正的需求关系，而是由人民银行以人民币完全吸收外汇市场上的差额，这正是导致我国外汇储备高速膨胀的重要原因；另一方面，我国经常项目收支和资本项目收支的持续双顺差，使得外汇市场上外汇供给大于需求，人民币面临巨大的升值压力，这使得民间的外汇储蓄颇为动荡。在2005年7月21日我国宣布汇率制度改革之后，人民币的小幅升值更是引起了民间外汇储蓄和存款的大量兑换，为了维持人民币汇率的稳定，推进汇率制度的平稳改革，人民银行只能买进剩余的外汇，抛出相应的人民币，从而导致基础货币的进一步扩展。
外汇储备的增加必然带来外汇占款的增加，不断增加的外汇占款形成了基础货币的内生性增长，央行被迫投放基础货币。如果此时人民银行不采取冲销的政策，并且在国内信贷不变的情况下，基础货币的增加，通过货币乘数效应的作用，国内货币供应量将会增加。公众手中持有的货币量将大于他们对货币需求的量，如果超额的货币供给冲向商品市场，商品的需求将会增加，进而推动物价水平上升。但是事实上，我国外汇储备近年来持续、大幅增长，物价却没有出现暴涨，究其原因主要有：
(1)我国正处于计划经济向市场经济转轨的过程中，经济活动不可避免地带有计划经济色彩，外汇储备和国内信贷规模都是影响基础货币供应量的因素。中央银行可以通过一手抓外汇储备、一手抓本币来调控国内的基础货币。在我国还是有管理浮动汇率的情况下，我国外汇储备增加能否对国内通货膨胀形成现实压力，还取决于中央银行实行的国内信贷政策。当国内经济有通胀的苗头，央行就收紧信贷，因此，外汇储备对通货膨胀的影响被有意无意地弱化。
(2)外汇储备的增加不一定导致外汇占款的增加。除国际收支顺差外，外汇储备的增加还有另外两个渠道：来自国际金融机构、外国政府借款和储备的收益。向国际金融机构或外国政府借入的外汇增加的储备并不增加外汇占款，也不增加基础货币。来自储备收益的外汇储备增加同样也不增加外汇占款，进而不增加基础货币投放。在我国的外汇储备增量中，外汇储备收益部分比重不高，但是，这种渠道的存在，也在一定程度上削弱了外汇储备增加对通货膨胀的影响。
(3)中央银行可以通过干预基础货币和货币乘数减弱外汇占款对货币投放的影响。中央银行调整基础货币结构是通过调整其资产业务投放基础货币的，在外汇储备增加的同时，央行通过减少对金融机构、政府及非金融机构的债权来抵消外汇储备增长对货币投放的压力，通过发行中央银行票据等方式回笼货币。也可以通过影响货币乘数影响货币供给，比如中央银行可以通过调整法定存款准备金影响货币乘数进而影响货币供给。由于我国利率还没有实现完全意义上的市场化，资本项目还没有完全开放，因而利率与资本项目之间的传导机制受阻，这在一定程度上也减弱外汇储备增加对通货膨胀的影响。
总之，外汇储备的变动会影响我国的物价水平的变动，两者之间呈现正相关关系。从实证分析结果看到，作用系数只有0.023896。但是，外汇储备对物价指数的影响不可忽视。这是由于我国外汇储备的变动幅度非常大，从2001年1月的1561亿美元增长到 2006年6月的9411.15亿美元，增长了5倍多，而同期国内信贷和GDP仅增长一倍多。随着我国经济体制改革的深入，经济体制的市场化改革也疏通了外汇储备通过影响货币供应量进而影响物价的渠道。因而，外汇储备对通货膨胀指标的影响也会日益显现出来。
参考文献
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5月25日，第二轮中美战略与经济对话在北京闭幕，在这个对话中，人民币升值预期退后，那么人民币升值对中国的经济有什么影响呢？
人民币升值问题确实是一个复杂而现实的问题，是一把双刃剑。只有审时度势，把握好利弊，才能有理有力有节地从容应对。
人民币汇率升值给我国经济增长造成的负面影响不容忽视。
第一，抑制出口增长，人民币汇率升值将对我国出口企业特别是劳动密集型企业造成冲击。第二，将导致外债规模进一步扩大。第三，不利于我国引进境外直接投资。第四，影响金融市场的稳定。第五，巨额外汇储备将面临缩水的威胁。第六，增加就业压力。在当前我国就业形势极其严峻的情况下，人民币汇率升值将可能恶化就业形势。
但同时人民币升值也给我们带来许多有利的方面。一是人民币汇率升值，将会降低进口成本，从而使得进口量增加；二是有利于改善吸引外资的环境，人民币汇率升值，可使已在华投资的外资企业的利润增加，从而增强投资者的信心，促使其进一步追加投资或进行再投资。三是有利于减轻外债还本付息压力。
权衡利弊来看、人民币汇率还是不宜升值
对于目前的国际货币体系现状，《环球财经》总编辑、中国人民大学国际货币研究所副所长向松祚先生用三句话概括国际货币体系的现状：美元依然主导、欧元面临挑战、人心向往多元。
此次由美国次贷危机衍生而来的国际金融危机，暴露了国际货币体系的一系列缺陷：
一、现行国际货币体系与国际金融合作机制，严重滞后于经济全球化和金融一体化的过程二、国际货币体系中缺少信息预警体系；三、对衍生金融工具市场疏于监管；四、IMF鼓励推行金融自由化与资本市场开放政策，新兴市场国家不适当地加速这一进程；五、IMF行动迟缓，提供资金的能力有限，贻误将金融危机消灭于初期阶段的有利时机
目前国际货币体系存在诸多的问题，那么它未来的改革趋势将是怎么样的呢？我们可以从三个视角看未来的国际货币体系改革。（一）从国际储备货币视角看未来的国际货币体系改革。1.重新修复以美元为主导的国际储备体系，但是，这种格局并没有改变此次金融危机中所呈现出来的一系列国际货币体系的缺陷。 2.美元逐步失去中心地位，国际储备货币多元化 3.创造一种新的超主权国际储备货币（二）从国际收支不平衡的调整机制看未来国际货币体系安排 1.全球储蓄率结构“再平衡”2.新兴市场经济发展模式“再平衡”（三）从国际资金流动与全球治理看未来国际货币体系安排已经高度全球化的金融市场，客观上需要一个更能够同时体现发达国家和发展中国家利益、更公平、更合理的治理结构。
