Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.
Probably some of London's tall Victorian building is sometimes a reflection of some of the former imperial glory, but in the end the sun never sets despot is gone forever. Now show in front of us does not seem a powerful British empire Zhuang Sheng contrary, it is more like a green sloping hills, full of rustic, pastoral calm and peaceful country.
In 1879, Queen Victoria ascended the throne held in honor of her 60-year celebration. Guard of honor at a huge triumph in the streets of London at the moment, the UK and a strong self-confidence seems to be beyond doubt. A small island located between the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean - the United Kingdom, even conquered the territory and a quarter of the people on the planet land. Britain's wealth and power to make a lot of jealous envy powers, Britain's trade and industrial strength to dominate the global economy. The British general was confident that the British Empire represents the highest human civilization of that era.
In 1901, Queen Victoria died at his funeral, the guard of honor marched in huge hearse after the queen no longer seems to show the kind of aggressive imperial self-confidence. Because in Europe, increasingly powerful after the reunification of Germany, and across the ocean, American industry is constantly rising, it seems also issued a challenge to the British Empire in the economic and military.
The heyday of the British Empire, its colonial on five continents around the world. But in the colonial administration, different regions have different ways. Overseas territories such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, because there are a large number of white settlers, these areas are called "autonomously." These government leaders are usually generated autonomously by local residents vote. These regional government usually with their sovereign, that the British government regarded as an equal footing.
Britain, given the lessons of the American War of Independence, to autonomously (taking on the management of many liberal appeasement policy, these dominion as their children. So then they became dominion of the British Empire from the first batch of countries, while the British Government will These countries are independent, as their children have grown up, so I did not take the time to treat the use of the American military intervention.
In addition dominion, the British governor to take the system in most of the territories of Africa, and the Far East. For example, in Africa before independence, many countries, such as Ghana, Kenya did not exist. Kenya belongs to the British East Africa, Ghana belongs to the British West Africa, and these earthly governor must be appointed by the London. In the Far East, Malaya, Burma and other places, the situation is the same.
In the United Kingdom among all overseas territories, India occupies a very special position. British India, in fact, including today's Pakistan and Bangladesh, it demobilized vast, populous, not only to provide food, tea and a variety of industrial raw materials for the British, but also to the British transport a large number of cheap labor.
In the period of British rule in India, the official language of up to 15 in some areas, officials sent by the direct jurisdiction of the United Kingdom, while the rest belong to the semi-autonomous region, the local soil help master (Nawab) to jurisdiction. The main fact in the British empire established a state within a state. They and the British government to work together to divide up the wealth of India. Each side will have a main fact the British government sent a military attache to help train its army. In 1912, George V, that Queen Victoria's princes, during a visit to India, India witnessed a grand parade honor guard. This huge Indian army is trained by instructors from the United Kingdom. Then British troops in India less than a thousand people, plus all administrative staff together, British expatriate in India, but also about two thousand people. But more than two thousand Britons ruled at that time, but the actual management of more than 200 million of India's 50 million people.
In the heyday of the British Empire, often has a kind of mission for world domination, they are convinced that their country is the world's strongest. The decline of many empires like an overturning of the building, the rapid rise, the rapid fall. The British Empire is not the same. Decline and Fall of the British Empire, like an old man, he was not sudden illness to death, but its ever-worsening physical condition, organ failure constantly.
The sun never sets Empire led to the decline was not unexpected by what accident, but collection is made by the numerous historical events. It seems so many years of British colonial administration was tired, and World War II by the first loss, the British finally not so sure of herself. So the sun never sets on the empire entered into a slow but inexorable decline ......
Many historians believe that the sun does not lead to the decline of empire is the first step from the Boer War began. When the Boers and the British gold and diamonds in South Africa because of a conflict of interest, war broke out in 1899. The thought sent against the British victory at hand, but the Boers of the guerrilla tactics to make them a headache. Although the British spent including the establishment of concentration camps and various other means, eventually it took two years to suppress the uprising Boers. Costly war, especially the Japanese Empire of the invincible image severely damaged.
War broke out in 1914, the British immediately felt the pressure from the German real. Britain is also heavily dependent on the operation of the war to support its colony. British and colonial each autonomous region, including South Africa, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and India are to provide a considerable amount of manpower to help their war.
During the war, the myth of invincibility of the British hit again mercilessly. British Army had not good to fight in a variety of complex terrain, while the British Navy is always invincible. But in a war, the first use of the German submarine, in this new situation, the Royal Navy seems to be no way, it is a war totally ineffective. And after the war, due to the severe UK deficit, funding problems forced the British had to cut the number of its naval base throughout the world, and its overall strength has been the US Navy quietly catch up.
In 1919, the Versailles contract has been signed, the UK overtook Germany to control the East Africa Tanzania, but also replace the Ottoman Empire gained the majority in the Middle East, including Palestine jurisdiction. On the surface of the British Empire in growth, in fact, at this time of the British Empire is weak, perilous. At the same year, also appeared in the United Kingdom internal trouble, under the leadership of Sinn Fein in Ireland seek independence. Followed by the outbreak of the Irish war of independence. IRA guerrilla tactics effectively against the British, eventually forced the British government recognized the independence of Southern Ireland, leaving only its jurisdiction over 13 counties of Northern Ireland. This is now to go to Northern Ireland we still have to use the pound, while in Southern Ireland is by reason of the euro. This is no war of independence, both north and south love or had to use pounds.
Meanwhile, in order to honor prewar commitments, Britain agreed to South Africa, Australia, Canada and other autonomous independent state requirement, many historians believe that the British move is forced by the pressure of reality and the lessons learned during the American War of Independence. India then see the machine, also demand independence, because in India, also contribute a lot of war, want Britain to be able to let an independent way to its return, but the United Kingdom has not been ignored India's demands. British Prime Minister Chamberlain 1930s, has said Britain would consider at the appropriate time of India's independence, the time is about 1980. India is a full time real independence 33 years earlier.
Since World War I the British heavy losses, coupled with the 1930s economic crisis sweeping the globe, the British still have not seen improvement in post-war economic recovery, a gradual decline of the British Empire had become a foregone conclusion.
Important reasons for the Second World War, the collapse of the empire the sun never sets another colonial system restricting US thereof. The United States is believed in free trade, the US consortium has always believed that the British colonial control on overseas markets prevented US commercial trade expansion in the world. Coupled with the war, Britain owed a bunch of money in the United States, everywhere in the United States under pressure from Britain also had to relax its control over the colony. For example, in the Suez crisis, the United States not only did not support the British occupation of the Suez Canal, but the pressure allowed to evacuate. Although on the surface, relations between the Anglo-American promoted as kinship, in fact, the British people to know that the United States secretly is constantly trying to undermine the British do little tricks Britain, the United States after the war, the disintegration of the empire the sun never was play a catalytic role.
一、英语书信的常见写作模板
开头部分：
How nice to hear from you again.
Let me tell you something about the activity.
I’m glad to have received your letter of Apr. 9th.
I’m pleased to hear that you’re coming to China for a visit.
I’m writing to thank you for your help during my stay in America.
结尾部分：
With best wishes.
I’m looking forward to your reply.
I’d appreciate it if you could reply earlier.
二、口头通知常见写作模板
呼语及开场白部分：
Ladies and gentlemen, May I have your attention, please? I have an announcement to make.
正文部分：
All the teachers and students are required to attend it.
Please take your notebooks and make notes.
Please listen carefully and we’ll have a discussion in groups.
Please come on time and don’t be late.
结束语部分：
Please come and join in it.
Everybody is welcome to attend it.
I hope you’ll have a nice time here.
That’s all. Thank you.
三、议论文模板
1.正反观点式议论文模板
导入：
第1段：Recently we’ve had a discussion about whether we should... （导入话题）
Our opinions are divided on this topic.（观点有分歧）
正文：
第2段：Most of the students are in favour of it.（正方观点）
Here are the reasons. First... Second... Finally...(列出2~3个赞成的理由)
第3段：However, the others are strongly against it. （反方观点）
Their reasons are as follows. In the first place... What’s more... In addition...(列出2~3个反对的理由)
结论：
第4段：Personally speaking, the advantages overweigh the disadvantages, for it will do us more harm than good, so I support it.（个人观点） オ
2.“A或者B”类议论文模板：
导入：
第1段： Some people hold the opinion that A is superior to B in many ways. Others, however, argue that B is much better. Personally, I would prefer A because I think A has more advantages.
正文：
第2段：There are many reasons why I prefer A. The main reason is that ... Another reason is that...(赞同A的原因)
第3段: Of course, B also has advantages to some extent... (列出1~2个B的优势)
结论：
第4段: But if all these factors are considered, A is much better than B. From what has been discussed above, we may finally draw the conclusion that ...(得出结论) オ
3.观点论述类议论文模板：
导入：
第1段：提出一种现象或某个决定作为议论的话题
As a student, I am strongly in favour of the decision. （亮明自己的观点是赞成还是反对）
The reasons for this may be listed as follows. （过渡句，承上启下）
正文：
第2段：First of all... Secondly... Besides...(列出2~3个赞成或反对的理由)
结论：
第3段：In conclusion, I believe that... （照应第1段，构成"总—分—总"结构）
4."How to"类议论文模板：
导入：
第1段：提出一种现象或某种困难作为议论的话题
正文：
第2段： Many ways can help to solve this serious problem, but the following may be most effective. First of all... Another way to solve the problem is ... Finally...(列出2~3个解决此类问题的办法)
结论：
第3段：These are not the best but the only two/ three measures we can take. But it should be noted that we should take action to...(强调解决此类问题的根本方法)
四、图表作文写作模板
The chart gives us an overall picture of the 图表主题. The first thing we notice is that 图表最大特点 . This means that as (进一步说明).
We can see from the statistics given that 图表细节一 . After 动词-ing 细节一中的第一个变化， the动词-ed+幅度+时间(紧跟着的变化) . The figures also tell us that图表细节二 . In the column, we can see that accounts for (进一步描述).
Judging from these figures, we can draw the conclusion that (结论). The reason for this, as far as I am concerned is that (给出原因). / It is high time that we (发出倡议).
1.开头
Look at this picture./The picture shows that.../From this picture, we can see.../As is shown in the picture.../As is seen in the picture...
2.衔接句
As we all know, .../As is known to all,.../It is well known that.../In my opinion,.../As far as I am concerned,.../This sight reminds me of something in my daily life.
3.结尾句
In conclusion.../In brief.../On the whole.../In short.../In a word.../Generally
speaking.../As has been stated.
话题一：中学生的爱好与兴趣
Spare time(业余时间), favorite(最喜欢的),Interest(兴趣), hobby(爱好),appetite(嗜好),taste(口味), read novels(也小说), play football/basketball(打足球/篮球),surf the internet(上网),chat online(在线聊天),play games(玩游戏),collect stamps(集邮),make e-friends(交网友),climb mountains(爬山),watch TV(看电视),enjoy popular music(喜欢流行音乐), be interested in(对…感兴趣),develop an interest in(在…方面发展兴趣),be fond of(喜欢…),be keen on(喜欢…),have love for(喜爱…),have a taste in(对…有兴趣) 等。
话题二：劳动与劳动观念
Work(工作),be at work(在工作),work hard(努力工作),produce(生产),worker(工人),labor force(劳动力),labor(劳动), voluntary labor(义务劳动)， serve the people(为人民服务)，heart and soul(全心全意)，physical labor(体力劳动), mental labor(脑力劳动),labor viewpoint(劳动观念),labor Day(劳动节),workday(工作日),means of labor(劳动方式),honorable(光荣的),be devoted to(奉献于..),value(价值), earn money(赚钱) ,personal interests(个人利益)等。
话题三：创建和谐社会
harmonious(和谐的),friendly(友好的),civilized(文明的),honest(真诚的),credible (诚信的), be public-spirited(有公德心的), balanced(平衡的), be in order(有序的), peaceful(和平的), live in harmony(生活和谐), sustainable development(可持续发展)等，help each ether(互助), care for each other(互相关心), have deep love for (热爱), be concerned with (关心), build(创建), cherish(珍惜), take an active part in(积极参与), pay attention to social moral(讲究社会公德), protect the environment(保护环境),save energy(节省能源)等。No pains, no gains. 不劳无获。…can be achieved by hard wok. …可以通过劳动获得。 It is honorable to … …是光荣的It is difficult to find work in the present situation. 在当前形势下，很难找到工作。
If everyone … for others and the society, our world will be …。人为他人和社会做…， 我们这个世界将会…。Every one should … and devotes himself to building our motherland into a strong country.每个人应该 …，为把我们祖国建设成为一个强壮的国家而奉献自己的力量。
话题四：招聘与求职
employ(雇佣), look for(寻找), take in(吸纳), full-time(全职的), part-time(兼职的), well-paid(薪水高), be paid by the hour(按小时发工资), requirement(要求), résumé(个人履历), schooling(受教育情况), subjects(课程), working experience(工作经历), qualification(合格证明), transcript (成绩单), health(健康状况), present address(现在通讯地址)等，apply for(申请…), graduate from(毕业于), major in(以…为专业), degree(学位), scholarship(奖学金), good grades(良好的成绩), hobby(爱好), favorite(最喜欢的), be skilled in(在…方面熟练), be good at(擅长…), experienced(有经验的), confident(自信的), English and computer ability(英语和计算机能力), healthy(健康的)等。
话题五：中学生的健康问题
Physical and mental condition(身体与精神状态), strong(强壮的), un/healthy(不健康/健康的), overweight/fat(肥胖的), thin(瘦的), near/short-sighted(近视的), mentally unhealthy(精神不健全的), normal(正常的), abnormal(不正常的), energetic(精力旺盛的), unhealthy eating habit(不健康的饮食习惯), eat much junk food (吃太多的垃圾食品)等， Stay/keep healthy/fit(保持健康), enough sleep(充足的睡眠), build up one’s body/ improve one’s' health(强身健体), take regular exercise(进行有规律的运动),
roper diet(合理的饮食), good living habits(良好的生活习惯), lose weight(减肥), go on diet(节食), remove heavy burdens(减轻负担), be good for/do good to(对…有益处), nutrition(营养), form a … eating habit(养成一个…的饮食习惯) Breathe in as much fresh air等
话题六：环境保护Pollute（污染），Waste is scattering here and there.(到处撒满了废弃物），protect the environment(保护环境) ，send out smoke and poisonous gases into the air（散发出烟和有毒气体）， cut down trees(砍伐树木)，
pour waste water into the rivers(把废水注入河流), It is a shame to throw rubbish around.(乱扔垃圾是可耻的)，form good habits to protect the surroundings（养成良好的习惯来保护环境），
take active measures to protect rare animals(采取积极措施保护稀有动物)，
take good care of our forests（关心我们的森林），
plant more trees to improve the environment （多植来改善环境），
The terrible pollution have done great harm to us as well as to the surroundings. (可怕的污染已经给我们自己还有我们的环境带来了很大的危害。)
话题七：校园文明与安全问题
School rules and regulations(学校规章制度), obey(遵守), observe(遵守), keep/observe discipline(遵守纪律), behave well(表现良好), be neatly dressed(穿戴整洁), respect one’s teachers and parents(尊敬师长), be on time(准时), keep the environment clean(保持环境干净), spit(吐痰), break the rules(违反规章制度), discipline(纪律), civilized(文明的), throw rubbish everywhere(乱扔垃圾), cheat in the exam(考试作弊), get in line (插队), fight with sb.(与…打架), punish sb. for (因…处罚某人)等。
The students are told not to break any of the rules of the school. 学校要求学生不要违反任何规章制度。The students are expected to … 学校期望学生…。
It must be made clear that the students should … 必须明确的一点是，学生应该…。
… is of no good to a friendly and harmonious society. …对创建友好和谐的社会是毫无益处的。It is honorable to obey the principles and rules of our school.遵守学校的规章制度是光荣的。It is worthy of praise to ... …是值得表扬的。It is shameful to … …是可耻的。 What we should do is that … 我们应该做的事
话题八：友谊
get to know sb.(认识某人), know sb. really well(熟知某人), make friends with sb.(和某人交朋友), a strong personality (一个很强的个性), personal matters(隐私), friendship(友谊), friendly(友好的), a close friend(一个亲密的朋友), trust each other (相互信任), precious(珍贵的), worthy(有价值的), understanding(通情达理的), share …with sb.(与…分享…), keep company with sb.(和…结交),keep in touch with sb. (与…保持联系), be loyal to(对…忠诚), stay best friends with sb. (和…保持很好的友谊)在描述此话题时常用的句型有：
1.Friends give us … 朋友给予我们…。
2.A good friend is someone you can … 一位好朋友就是一个我们能够…的人。
3.The first time I met …, he was … 当我第一次遇到…的时候，他…。
4.Friendship plays an important part in … 友谊在…中扮演一个重要角色。
5.You can … to be a good friend. 你可以…来成为别人的好朋友。
6.We can turn to ... when we feel down. 当我们心情糟糕时，可以求助于…。
7… makes a good friend. …成就好朋友。
8.A friend in need is a friend indeed. 患难见真知。
9.... is one of the things people value most in a friend. … 是人们在朋友身上最重视的东西。10. … have a friend of … years with sb. … 与… 有着…年的友情。
