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The Chinese economy continually growth and the world economics growth asthenia as well as US dollar unceasing depreciation, specially American Government in the situation which the domestic unemployment rate and the international trade trade deficit rise unceasingly, American some people the American manufacturing industry worker will be unemployed with the China and America trade deficit reason sums up as the Renminbi exchange rate First, the Renminbi exchange rate is not the China and America trade deficit principal factor 1st, China and America balance of trade series analysis The China and America statistical figure difference so greatly mainly has two aspect reasons: (1)th, when American statistics China through Hong Kong partial transit trade repetition computation in China to US's exportation aspect. (2)th, American trade data collection process existence very many questions. 2nd, the China and America trade deficit is any reason creates (1)th, American Government to the high-tech product exportation control policy, is the Chinese and American trade not balanced important reason. (2)th, US the multinational corporation which invests in China is a balance of trade important China has the high trade surplus to US, but these trade surplus very major part comes from US in China's multinational corporation, demonstrated according to China's statistical data: In the Chinese import and export volume 56% is realizes by the overseas-funded enterprise, China is becoming US's multinational corporation to reduce the production cost, one of increase profit main channels. (3)th, US's trade statistics report has not collected the multinational corporation the American domestic investment income computation 3rd, tucks up the American foreign trade deficit the veil US's import comes from massively our country company in the production line which overseas sets up, in other words, American Multinational corporation from the overseas subsidiary company input cargo, the realistic trade many all is the company and the company, but non-country and country single card trade. English economist Julius on once to American trade revenue and expenditure statistics in, if adds on its overseas subsidiary company in the local repetition computation, that, in 1986 US's trade revenue and expenditure on became 57,000,000,000 US dollars earnings from 144,000,000,000 US dollars trade according to the American Department of commercial affairs statistics, in 1995 the American Multinational corporation subsidiary company sales volume surpassed 210,000,000 US dollars, in addition commodity service export amount 794,000,000,000 US dollars, nearly amounted to 3 ten thousand hundred million US dollars in the same year, but the foreign country exports and the foreign corporation to US in US's subsidiary company internal sales volume sum total is 2,400,000,000,000 US dollars, today US is not the world biggest trade deficit country, but was in the world one of minority several big trade surplus countries. US to the overseas export amount and the American Multinational corporation's in foreign market sale, both sum 2002nd year amounted to 3,000,000,000,000 US time, US's import amount and the foreign multinational corporation's in American market sale, both the sum is 2,400,000,000,000 US dollars, thus has created US to various countries trade gross profit 600,000,000,000 US dollars, this is analyzes when the American foreign trade deficit should comprehensively grasp the question the essence to be at. 4th, US trade deficit true reason (1) 20th century 70's, because two petroleum crises cause the world oil price two large rises, in addition comes from Japanese and the developing nation strong economical competitive power and the US dollar exchange rate strong trend of, these all caused the American commodity, the service trade deficit to achieve 152,000,000,000 US dollars peaks in 1987. (2) US worsens the low savings ratio, US must raise the construction fund from the international money market, namely allows temporary credit the fund to carry on the massive investment construction. (3) American Multinational corporation “the person on one's own side” who acts in the American import trade the role, namely the partial trade deficit in fact is “the commodity backflow”. China and US are a supplementary economy, maintains the existing exchange rate system is the win-win situation
经济学本科论文
经济学是研究人类经济活动的规律即价值的创造、转化、实现的规律——经济发展规律的理论,分为政治经济学与科学经济学两大类型。下面是经济学本科论文,请参考!
【 摘要 】
本文以重庆人文科技学院为例,研究探讨“西方经济学”这一经济管理类专业基础课的教学改革问题。从教材建设、教学方法和考试形式三方面分析独立学院的教学现状,并得出相应的改革对策。
【 关键词 】
西方经济学;重庆人文科技学院;教改
一、引言
西方经济学是对市场经济运行规律的一般抽象和概括,是经济管理类相关专业基础课程。西方经济学依研究对象,可分为微观经济学和宏观经济学。重庆人文科技学院工商学院开设这一课程侧重于培养应用型人才。例如:“边际效用递减理论”、“谷贱伤农”、“通货膨胀”、“充分就业”等经济学理论都是和人们的生活息息相关的。因此学好西方经济学这门学科对于市场上的经济现象、国家的宏观调整政策都会有深刻的理解。国内一些学者有关西方经济学的教研教改也做很多的研究。卫华(2010)认为在教学改革中,关键要处理好夯实基础与提高学生能力的关系,基础理论教学与案例教学的关系等。申益美(2011)认为《经济学基础》课程的教学改革要以“任务驱动、项目导向”为指导,在教材编写、教法创新等方面进行改革。徐瑛楠(2012)从课程设置、教学方法和考试形式三方面分析独立学院的教学现状,并得出相应的改革对策。汤向俊(2013)针对课程街接、教材建设、教学方法等方面的问题,指出应从分层次教学、强化案例教学、改进考核方式等方面,增加学生创新能力和实践能力。
二、西方经济学的学科特点
(一)教学内容庞杂、理论性强。西方经济学包括微观经济学和宏观经济学两部分,是一整套庞杂的理论体系,涉及到整个经济运行过程中的各个领域。其次,西方经济学是由众多经济学派的经济理论构成的,理论观点各不相同,庞杂的理论体系,给学生增加很多学习困难。
(二)教学过程中大量使用抽象的数学工具。在西方经济学教学过程中,首先要设立抽象的模型,建立假设前提,将现实生活中的各种影响因素剔除,然后运用数学符号去代替现实经济主体复杂的行为活动进行分析。例如用微积分求极值,极限的知识,而函数和图形在西方经济学中应用更加普遍高职学生一般数学基础都比较差,再加上是低年级学生,造成学习时很难理解的现状。此外,很多经济学名词和公式是其英文的缩写,这就给很多英语基础差的学生造成困难。
(三)理论来源于实践,与经济实际密切联系。西方经济学是一个不断发展的理论,其立足的根本是欧美国家经济发展现状。而我国对西方经济学课程研究时间较短,教材中的大部分内容,是直接翻译国外教材而来。一方面,翻译过来的语言晦涩难懂;另一方面由于所面临的政治经济环境不同,造成理解上的偏颇,例如对“理性人”假设的理解。因此,要学好西方经济学,就要利用西方经济学理论与我国经济实际密切结合。
三、我院西方经济学教学过程中主要问题分析
(一)西方经济学教材建设问题。目前国内西方经济学教材层出不穷,选择一本适合我院的《西方经济学》教材尤为重要。大部分教材将原版的西方经济学翻译过来,原封不动的拿过来用,西方的经济学理论是在西方国家的背景下产生的,适不适合我们国家,哪些适合,哪些不适合是有待确认的。有的教材重理论,轻应用。理论介绍、相关定理证明特别多,但缺乏利用经济理论结合市场中经济现象进行解读与分析。我院现在使用的教材是西方经济学编写组编写的西方经济学教材,老师们对这本教材褒贬不一,关键看这本教材是否与学院培养人才的目标相一致。
(二)教学手段、方法落后。目前,教师们普遍采用传统板书教学与多媒体授课相结合的方式,但多数教师仅把多媒体当做教材文字的呈现工具,课件制作粗糙,内容简单,多以文字为主,并没有真正发挥多媒体教学手段的作用。由于“西方经济学”课程内容有其特殊性,即既有文字性的理论知识,又有数字、模型、图表等分析方法,所以,目前采用的教学方法还不足以将本课程内容很好地呈现在学生面前,学生学起来普遍觉得比较难。
(三)考试形式单一,内容枯燥,不能真实检验学生的学习成效。作为专业基础课,“西方经济学”一直以考试课的面目出现,但目前学院对本课程的考试形式仍然是以闭卷考试为主,考试内容也多是书本知识的简单再现,缺乏应用性强的、具有现实意义的题目,使学生们陷入死记硬背之中,不利于知识的活学活用,学生们甚至在考完试就将本学科大部分的知识点忘光,这样非常不利于应用型人才的培养。
四、“西方经济学”教学改革的对策
(一)鼓励教师自编教材。教材是教师教学及学生学习的载体,教材质量的'高低直接影响教学效果。国内西方经济学教材体系建设层出不穷,西方经济学作为我院基础性学科,是每个专业的专业必修课,但是每年西方经济学的挂科率都比较高,学生反映比较难,重难点不突出,本人认为结合我院培养人才要求,教师在上课时理论部分,比如供求理论一定要讲透,将理论和案例结合起来分析一些简单的经济问题。所以,在进行教材编写时要根据需要进行调整,比如微观经济学中的供求原理、均衡理论、生产理论、分配理论和宏观经济学中的国民收入理论、通货膨胀理论、宏观财政政策以及货币政策等要重点讲解,应排在教材的前面,相对不太重要的内容简化或者直接删掉。编一本重点突出,有理论有案例有习题的教材。
(二)强化案例教学提高创新能力。生动有趣的案例可以有调动学生的学习积极性,升学习效果。例如用简单的需求弹性理论就可以解释“薄利多销”的经济现象。边际效用递减理论就可以解释“第二杯半价的现象。这样的例子还有很多,西方经济学理论就是在市场生活中总结出来的,所以既可以加深对经济学理论的理解,又可以帮助学生们理解生活中的经济现象。
(三)改进考核方式。恰当的考核方式对引导学生的学习方向,调动学生的学习积极性是很重要的。以我院为例,西方经济学考核方式大多以闭卷的形式,期末卷面成绩占70%,平时成绩占30%,其中平时成绩中包括出勤、课程回答问题、平时作业情况等。转变为结合实践教学过程,期末考试占50%,平时成绩占20%,实践成绩占30%。通过这种转变,学生的总成绩由完全依靠老师划重点背课本,变成靠自己在一学期中的不断积累的成绩。但考核方式仍需要不断完善,例如增加案例搜集、小论文等考核方式,在以后的教学中需要继续探索。
五、总结
西方经济学的课程建设是个长期的过程,需要长期的努力与外界支持才能做好课程的教学。总之,针对西方经济学课程的教学改革有着利于教师也利于学生,既能够促进教师的教学氛围形成,也能够提升学生的学习乐趣,使学生主动去学习,认真去学习,并且乐于去学习。作为对西方经济学有多年教学经验的本人来说,培育课程教学的优势,探求最佳的教育模式是我一直不懈努力的,所以为将使广大师生受益,在今后的建设过程中还得继续努力。
参考文献:
[1]卫华.《西方经济学》教改需要处理好几个关系[J].北方经贸,2010,(06):136-138.
[2]益美.基于“任务驱动、项目导向”的高职《经济学基础》课程教学改革设计[J].当代职业教育,2011,(07):42-44.
[3]瑛楠.独立学院“西方经济学”课程教改探讨[J].长春理工大学学报,2012,(11):176-177.
[4]向俊.基于创新能力培养的西方经济学教改分析[J].经济研究导刊,2013,(22):57-58.
【摘 要】
文章认为,好的经济新闻不仅仅可读,而且要耐看。要做到这一点,一是站在读者的角度选择运用材料。二是在报道取向上更平民化,学会视角下移。三是在写作策略上要转变话语方式,文笔不僵硬,要生动、简洁。
【关键词】
经济新闻;写作;材料运用;报道平民化
随着社会经济的发展,经济新闻越来越受到社会各界的关注,尤其是直接影响人民群众生活的经济新闻报道,不仅吸引人们的关注,还起着引导人们生活的重要作用。但一提起经济新闻,人们往往会想到的或是一堆数字,或是艰涩的政策表述,常常是外行看不懂、内行不屑看。写好经济新闻不简单,要想写好经济新闻,吸引读者就得在选材、语言等多方面下功夫。
一、站在读者的角度选择运用材料,从关注数字向关注故事、矛盾冲突和细节转变
有调查表明,相当一部分读者关心经济报道,特别是和自己生活紧密联系到一起的,影响自身利益的经济新闻报道最受读者欢迎。因此,在写作经济新闻时要多站在读者的角度考虑理由,想清楚读者想要从一篇新闻中了解什么,或者作者能为读者的生活做出哪些引导,这样写出的新闻报道,才能与读者有更多的切合点,受读者欢迎。
本人曾写过一篇《“摸黑种植”菜农“受伤” “抬头看路”产销两旺》的经济报道。开始时,只是获得一条信息,阳高县夏家场村的菜农正处于苦不堪言的境地,因种植过剩,菜农辛辛苦苦种植的圆白菜卖不上价钱,都烂在了地里。
当初若只是简单地写一条消息也可,了解事实后,告诉读者多少种植户种植多少菜,因销路不畅惨赔多少。但反复考虑之后觉得,单写一条消息只是让读者知道有这么一件事发生,却对他们起不到任何影响,与种植户也没什么关系,这样的报道只会淹没在一堆新闻报道中。之后经过多方调查采访,得知当时“菜贱伤农”之事只是个别情况,本市其他县区农村的种植户凭借着订单农业、农超对接、深加工、转型种植等各种“神通”多数收益都不错。
如何在报道新闻事实的同时,能站在读者角度,尤其是受损种植户的角度去写作,让读者了解事实,让种植户有所收益,成了本人写作此文时的着力点。最后,通过把“蔬菜滞销 种菜如 ”与“订单农业 成制胜法宝” “弃菜种花 走特色种植路”“政府引导 拓展销售渠道”等作对比,既让新闻报道更充实,更具有矛盾冲突性,又吸引了读者,并给种植户以引导,为他们走出“价格走高,种植面积增加,价格降低,种植面积萎缩”的市场怪圈起到引路石的作用。
二、强调平民化的报道取向,学会视角下移,让普通读者能看懂、理解
平民化就是大众化。经济新闻很多时候比较专业,大的方针政策、国际经济、金融市场变化、产业发展等,一些记者会认为这是给部分有“需求”的读者看的,写得比较“高端、大气、上档次”,这似乎在显示作者有“深度”的做法“有意”地放弃了为数众多的普通读者。事实上,经济报道更应该做到平民化,为普通读者服务,因为整个经济社会是由普通大众的大大小小的经济活动组成的,不仅仅是个别人或小众人群的事情。因此,经济报道要从百姓视角来透视经济事件,以此来反映、服务普通大众。
怎样让经济报道平民化?作者要做到的就是“向下看”,从普通大众的角度看待经济现象和动态。例如,对于国家出台的经济政策,不要只是当“搬运工”,照搬到报纸上,而是要想一想这样的政策对老百姓的生活会否有影响,老百姓又会怎样看待出台的新政策。又如,对于某地方的某项产业的发展情况报道,既要做出客观、整体、全面的报道,又要让这种报道不只是浮在面上,要挖掘出其深层次的与大众有关联的事实,或者在角度的选择上要站在更大众的面上,贴近百姓,贴近日常的生活。有时在新闻稿的开头直接写一段由于这项产业带给百姓生活的具体变化,这样会更吸引读者。
三、转变话语方式,摒弃过于学术化、理论化的写作方式,做到不打“官腔”
现在的经济报道,很多都过于“正式化”,写作方式一本正经,语言表述中规中矩,有关部门怎样发文,新闻作者就照搬下来,没有起到很好的“翻译”作用。其实,新闻报道是要给读者看的,要站在读者的角度,让读者理解,让读者获悉。为了让读者看得懂,作者就得用读者易于理解的语言写作,更或者用些“土话”,还可以用举例子、打比方的方式讲解清楚报道中涉及的专业术语,这也能让文章不显得枯燥呆板。
老一辈新闻人范敬宜于1991年3月19日在《经济日报》刊出的《真正的“秘密武器”》一文堪称新闻工作者学写经济新闻的典范。这篇通讯虽然写的是有关山东省在改革开放中悄然崛起中领导班子是如何做的。领导班子建设是经济建设中很重要的一环,但如何写领导班子建设却是很多新闻工作者最感棘手的,写不好就会让读者感到枯燥、乏味、没有人情味儿,写得太过了有夸张不实之感。而范敬宜所写之《真正的“秘密武器”》却让读者犹如在欣赏一篇优美的散文,文中没有大量领导功绩的数字堆砌,没有艰涩的政治术语,没有枯燥的政策引用。
文章开篇便用“披襟当风”“碧树红瓦”“心旷神怡”,以及杜甫的诗句“江流大自在,坐稳兴悠哉!”引出全篇点睛之笔“一个‘稳’字,惹出无数联想。”接下来作者用政策的稳定引出班子的团结稳定,全篇叙述充满朴实写意,把重要的新闻事实展现在抒情的氛围中。在叙述山东省领导班子时,范敬宜也没有如我们平常的对领导人的报道那样呆板、空洞、僵硬,而是特别“接地气儿”,“我们工作有一种安全感,像走路一样,不用绕弯子,不用侧身子,尽走直线,速度就快了。”文中类似这样通俗、充满人情味和亲切感的话语随处可见,人物表达有血有肉,让普通读者对领导的形象不再感到是高高在上,而是能够“摸”得着、“看”得见、“听”得到的一心只想为百姓做实事的领导干部形象。文章最后用“第一场好雪,正纷纷扬扬地洒向那一片新绿,但亟待灌返青水的麦田……”作结。“瑞雪兆丰年”,作者透过纷纷扬扬的瑞雪让读者看到,稳定的政策才能让百姓富足,才能让改革开放更具活力,才能让经济建设更上层楼。这样的结尾富有诗意,充满深意,真正做到“凤头尾”。整篇文章读下来轻松、愉悦,在感受诗意美的同时而又发人深省。
经济报道不是千篇一律的,而是多种多样的,要想写出好的经济新闻报道,写作者其实只要抓住一条即可,那就是你要写的报道要给谁看,要对他们起到什么样的作用,心怀读者才能写出好的报道。
【参考文献】
[1] 徐人仲.经济新闻学初探.新华出版社,.
[2] 彭朝承.怎样写好经济新闻..
[3] 李洪波,张泽萱,刘先凡.优秀经济新闻赏析.湖北科学技术出版社,1999.
[4] 张颂甲.经济新闻写作浅说.经济日报出版社,.
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
经济学论文写作格式
导语:一篇好的论文并不是研究过程的日志。读者并不在乎你是如何得到正确答案的,也不在乎你的上百次的、以失败告终的尝试。把这些内容放到你的个人回忆录中吧。下面和我一起来看经济学论文写作格式,希望有所帮助!
首先要找出论文的一个核心的、有创意的贡献。用一段话表述这个贡献。这一段和整个文章一样,都必须具体。不要写出这样的抽象句子“我分析了企业经理薪酬数据,发现了许多有趣的结果”。你要详细解释这些主要结论具体是什么。例如,Fama和French(1992)的摘要是这样开头的:“股票平均收益率往往与市场β、公司规模、杠杆率、账面市值比和收益价格比等多个因素相关,但公司规模和账面市值比这两个容易度量的变量一起就可以解释股票平均收益率的截面差异。”
提炼出一个核心贡献需要深思熟虑。有时你会觉得很痛心,因为必须忍痛割爱舍弃很多内容。但一旦提炼出了核心贡献,你就能更好地把握论文,使论文专注于这一贡献,从而有助于读者迅速抓住文章的精髓。
你的读者一般都很忙且缺乏耐心。没有谁会从头到尾读完整篇论文。你应该方便读者快速浏览你的论文。大多数读者希望了解你的基本结论。只有少部分读者会关心你的结论如何与他人的结论不同。只有少数读者会关心,在变量的定义不同、使用的工具变量不同等情况下,你的结论是否仍然成立。
文章应该采用“三角形”结构或者“新闻报道”式的风格,不要采用“笑话”或“小说”的风格。你可能注意到,新闻报道总是以最重要的信息开头,然后再补充相关背景,供关心细节的读者阅读。好的笑话或推理小说总是在漫长的铺垫之后,才把包袱抖出来。但学术论文不能这样写—应该把“包袱”放在开头,然后再慢慢解释这个“笑话”。读者们没有耐心坚持读到表12去寻找笑点。
绝大多数博士生的论文和讨论会发言(不仅仅是学生!)却正好犯了这个错误。往往直等到最后一页、最后一个表格、讲座的最后五分钟,我们才知道这篇论文的贡献。
一篇好的论文并不是研究过程的日志。读者并不在乎你是如何得到正确答案的,也不在乎你的上百次的、以失败告终的尝试。把这些内容放到你的个人回忆录中吧。
摘要
大多数期刊将摘要限制在100到150字。务必遵守这一字数限制。摘要的主要功能是传达论文的那个如前所述的核心的新贡献。摘要中不要提及其它文献。如同论文的其他部分,摘要也必须具体。说明你已经发现了什么,而不是你计划得到什么。同样,不要写“本文分析了数据,证明了定理,讨论了结果”这样的抽象句子。
引言
引言部分应该开门见山,直接介绍你论文的研究内容及主要贡献。你必须明确解释你的贡献,以便读者能理解你的贡献。不要只是陈述结论,如:“我的结果表明,融资顺位理论不成立。”要说明这些结果背后的事实。比如,“在控制了z以后,用y对x进行回归,x的系数是q。”
论文开头第一句最难写。不要以哲学式的句子开头:“很久以来,金融学家都无法确定金融市场是否有效。”也不要这样开头:“金融学文献长久以来一直关注X。”论文自身必须引人入胜,而不是因为有很多人已经在这个问题上大费笔墨。同样,不要一开头就用大量篇幅描述写作动机,论述这个问题对公共政策有多么重要。对作者而言,这些都只是在“清嗓子”,徒费笔墨罢了。务必一开始就说明论文的核心贡献。
引言的篇幅宜以三页为限。
我不写这样的“路标”段为读者导航:“第二节设定模型,第三节讨论模型的识别,第四节报告主要结果,第五节进行稳健性检验,第六节总结结论。”这是在徒占篇幅;读者翻到某页自然会明白读到哪里了;去掉这段,就在编辑的页数限制内节省了一段的篇幅。你可就此自行斟酌;但要意识到“路标”段绝非硬性要求。
文献综述
在引言开头,不要花一页半的篇幅介绍其它文献。首先,读者最关心的是你做了什么。除非读者了解了你做了什么,否则他们无法判断你所做的是否优于他人。其次,大多数读者并不熟悉相关文献。深入浅出地解释你自己的论文已经颇为困难;若还要解释他人的论文,那我只能祝你好运了。
解释完你自己的贡献之后,便可撰写简要的文献综述了。文献综述应独立成段,较长的文献综述应单独成节,这样对文献不感兴趣的读者可以跳过。请注意,此时读者尚未理解你的论文,并且大多数读者可能没有读过其他文献,因此读者会很难看出你的论文如何与其他论文不同。
要慷慨引用文献。你不必为突出你自己的方法和贡献而把别人的研究批得一无是处。很多论文的文献综述洋洋洒洒,一发不可收拾。没有必要引用相关领域里的每一篇文献,也没有必要按照JournalofEconomicLiterature(《经济学文献综述》期刊)的'行文风格来撰写综述。文献综述的要点在于将你的论文和最为相关的、最新的两三篇文献区别开来,同时恰当地肯定这些作者所做的贡献以避免某些内容被误认为是你的创新。有些人对“策略性引用”颇为顾虑;他们大量引用某人的文章,向主编暗示此人是审稿人的合适人选,也想确保审稿人能在参考文献中看到他们自己的论文被大量引用。这些做法是否得体姑且不论,在论文终稿里,这些带水份的东西应该删掉。
正文
在正文部分,你的任务是尽快阐述核心结论。多数论文恰好背道而驰:它们花大量篇幅铺陈动机,综述文献洋洋洒洒,描述庞大、复杂的模型但在后文中不再涉及,罗列描述性统计量、初步结果、一两个不太相关的讨论,而“重要估计结果”直到表12才列出。至此,读者们早已昏昏欲睡了。
应该遵循的原则是:只有那些有助于读者理解主要结论的内容,才能放在主要结论的前面。
理论模型
多数文章中的“主要结果”是实证研究的结果。文中可能会有一些理论或一个模型。如你(或主编!)问“这篇论文是否拓展了经济学理论?”答案肯定是“没有”。这些论文的理论是为了有助于理解实证研究。根据这个原则,只有读者理解实证结果所必需的理论才应保留;在读者能够理解实证结果的前提下,理论部分能简则简。
不要建立“一般化的”模型,然后说“在实证部分中,我们将冲击简化为AR(1)过程;假设有两个企业而不是一个连续集;假设行为人具有二次型效用函数”等等。只需建立、求解与数据相匹配的特定的理论模型。
实证研究
应该从报告主要结果开始。不要做“热身”练习,不要详细地描述数据(特别是众所周知的数据)、初步的估计结果和对他人结果的复制。也不要介绍失败的模型设定来突出你的有效的模型。如果确有必要,可以将它们放到后文或者附录中。
你或许会强烈排斥我的建议。如果你实在不愿意采纳我的建议,至少,在介绍你的主要结论之前,不要写无助于读者理解主要结果的内容。
主要结果之后应该放置一些具有经济学直觉的图表,说明主要结果能够稳健地反映数据中的程式化的、有说服力的事实。接着,应对潜在的批评作出简短回应,并进行必要的稳健性检验;这些讨论和稳健性检验的大部分内容最终其实可以作为附录放在网上。
结论
委实说,结论部分是多余的。如果引言部分已经深入浅出地阐明了贡献,并且论文主体部分又论述了主要结论和贡献(按照“三角形”式结构),那么结论部分再次申明贡献真是毫无意义。我曾有几次尝试在文章中省略掉结论部分,但在主编和审稿人看来,这种做法太过激进。
诚然,有些读者会直接跳到结论部分去查看主要结果,但这只是因为很多作者在引言里不着要点从而使得这些读者习惯于跳过引言。
因此,结论部分要简短、有趣。不要重述你的所有发现。摘要里提一次,引言里提一次,正文里又提一次,这已经够了!可以用一两段话承认研究的局限性,引申正文中未提到的推论。
但要简短——不要象写经费申请报告似的勾勒未来的所有研究计划。也不要猜测;读者想知道你所发现的事实,而不是你的想法。
附录
附录是个极好的收纳箱。把你对文献的深刻见解、一般化的模型、57个稳健性检验统统扔到附录里吧。这是把它们从正文中剔除的好办法。最终,你也会把它们从附录中倒掉。
严格来讲,认真负责的作者、审稿人和评论者总是想展示主要结果在多种不同情况下都是稳健的。你也必须进行稳健性检验,但一旦你能够证明那些稳健性检验对主要结果并无显著影响,并且发现了一个得到主要结果的最优方法,那么,在正文中就不值得浪费篇幅罗列所有稳健性检验了。附录很好地解决了这个问题。你可以在正文中只是简要总结所做的一切稳健性检验。你可以把附录放到你的个人网站或期刊的网站上。
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