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China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the . government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange rateFirst, the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of Sino-US trade deficit1, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balanceChina and the United States for such a big difference between two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China through Hong Kong re-exports of double counting in China's exports to the United States (2), the . trade data Collection process has many , Sino-US trade deficit is what causes(1), the . Government's high-tech products export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason.(2), . investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the . multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is . multinational companies to reduce production costs and increase profits one of the main channel.(3), the . trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income account3, Liaokai . foreign trade deficit . imports from the large number of foreign companies in setting up their own production lines, in other words, the . subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries trade with the countries of the economist Julius once the . balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the . trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion . dollars into 57 billion A surplus of . dollars. According to the . Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the . subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million . dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion . dollars, almost 3 trillion . dollars, and foreign exports to the . and foreign companies in the . , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of trillion . dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the . exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion . dollars. Over the same period, imports of . and foreign multinational companies in the . market sales, and for both of trillion . dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion . dollars, and this is when the analysis of the . foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the , the . trade deficit, the real reason for the(1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar, which makes . goods, services, trade Deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion . dollars.(2) deterioration of the low . savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building.(3) . multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods."China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
翻译如下：China's sustained economic growth and weak world economic growth and the continuous devaluation of dollar, particularly the . government in the domestic unemployment rate and rising international trade deficit of the circumstances, the United States some people will be unemployed manufacturing workers in the United States and the reasons for the Sino-US trade deficit Summed up as the RMB exchange , the renminbi exchange rate is not the main cause of a Sino-US trade deficit, the EC analysis of Sino-US trade balance statistics difference between the two countries so large there are two main aspects of reasons: (1), the United States statistics will be part of China's re-exports through Hong Kong Double-counting of trade in China's exports to the United States (2), the . trade data collection process has many , Sino-US trade deficit is what causes (1), the . Government's high-tech products export control policy, Sino-US trade imbalance is an important reason. (2), . investment in China's balance of trade of multinational companies is another important reason. China to the United States despite the existence of high trade surplus, but a large part of the trade surplus from the . multinational companies in China, according to Chinese statistics show that: China's import and export amount of 56 percent is from foreign-funded enterprises to achieve, China is . multinational companies to reduce production costs and increase profits one of the main channel.(3), the . trade statistics report and the multinational corporations will not return to the United States of the investment income , Liaokai . foreign trade deficit veil of the United States imports a large number of companies from abroad set up their own production lines, in other words, the . subsidiary of multinational companies import goods from overseas, the reality of the trade are many companies and the companies, not countries with national The document economist Julius once the . balance of trade statistics, if coupled with its overseas subsidiaries in the local double-counting, then in 1986 the . trade balance from a deficit of 144 billion . dollars into 57 billion A surplus of . dollars. According to the . Department of Commerce statistics, in 1995 the . subsidiary of multinational companies in sales over 210 million . dollars, with exports of goods and services the same year 794 billion . dollars, almost 3 trillion . dollars, and foreign exports to the . and foreign companies in the . , A subsidiary of the internal sales total of trillion . dollars, the United States today is not the world's largest trade deficit country, but the world on a few large trade surplus with one of the . exports to foreign multinational companies in the United States and abroad for sale on the market, both in 2002 and amounted to 3 trillion . dollars. Over the same period, imports of . and foreign multinational companies in the . market sales, and for both of trillion . dollars, resulting in the United States on the world's total trade surplus of 600 billion . dollars, and this is when the analysis of the . foreign trade deficit Should comprehensively grasp the essence of the , the . trade deficit, the real reason (1) in the 1970s, the two oil crises led to two world oil prices rose sharply, from Japan and developing countries with strong economic competitiveness and the strength of the dollar exchange rate, these Are making . goods, services trade deficit in 1987 reached a peak of 152 billion . dollars.(2) deterioration of the low . savings rate, the United States must from the international financial market, raising funds for construction, that is, factoring funds to invest heavily in the building. (3) . multinational companies in the United States in the import trade played by the "one of us" role, that is part of the trade deficit is actually "returning goods." China and the United States is a complementary economy, maintain the existing exchange rate system is a win-win situation.
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Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
经济学人：加拿大的住宅市场Finance and Economics; 财经；Canada's housing market; 加拿大的住宅市场；Time for a bigger needle; 该出手时就出手；The latest attempt to prick a bubble;戳破泡沫的最新举措；经济学人：Canada's reputation for financial regulation is starry. Its banksgot through the crisis unscathed. According to Moody's, a ratings agency, Royal Bank of Canadasits alongside HSBC and JPMorgan Chase in the top tier of global banks. And Canadianpolicymakers are old hands at pulling “macroprudential” levers of the sort now in vogue amongrich-world central banks.加拿大的金融监管一向广受赞誉。它的银行业在这场危机中做到了独善其身。根据评级机构穆迪的报告，加拿大皇家银行与汇丰银行以及摩根大通同列，跻身全球银行界的第一梯队。同时，加拿大的政策制定者也是运用宏观审慎政策的老手，这一政策如今也常被其他富国的央行使用。But questions still nag. Some say that Canada's banks are flattered by a huge indemnity offeredby Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp (CMHC), a public institution that insures mortgages witha loan-to-value ratio of more than 80%. CHMC's book grew to 567 billion Canadian Dollar(557 billion Dollar) in 2011, up from 345 billion Canadian Dollar four years earlier. And Canada'shousing market looks very frothy on some measures: The Economist's analysis of price-to-rentratios suggests that Canadian properties were about 75% above their long-run “fair value” in thefirst quarter of 2012 (see chart). Although less than of CHMC's mortgages are in arrears, such exuberance is a worry. The central bank recently labelled housing as “the most importantdomestic risk to financial stability in Canada”.但是，仍有问题缠身。部分人士认为，加拿大的银行被加拿大抵押和住房公司（CMHC）提供的巨额补偿金美化了，CMHC是一家为贷款估值比率超过80%的抵押贷款提供保险的公共机构。在2011年，CHMC的抵押贷款额从四年前的3450亿增长到了5670亿加元（合5570亿美元）。并且，从一些指标来看，加拿大的房地产充斥着泡沫：《经济学人》以房价租金比所做的分析显示，在2012年第一季度，加拿大的物业价格高出它们的长期公允价值75%。纵然仅有低于的CHMC抵押贷款存在拖欠的情况，但这样的繁荣仍让人忧虑。最近，央行也冠以楼市 “危及加拿大金融稳定性的最大国内隐患”。Repeated efforts by policymakers to take the heat out of housing have not had a noticeableeffect. So on June 21st Jim Flaherty, the finance minister, had another go, his fourth in fouryears. Some of the new measures were cosmetic. Buyers of homes worth more than 1m Dollarhave been able to get mortgage-default insurance from CMHC with a downpayment of only 5%. In practice, it is hard to find buyers in this bracket who do not have lots of equity in their homes. But after July 9th mortgages for homes of this value will not be eligible for CMHC coverage.政策制定者们给楼市降温的不断尝试并无明显成效。于是，在6月21日，加拿大财长吉姆·费拉逖，在四年来第四次出台了一些新举措。新措施中的一些不过是表面功夫。价值过百万美元住宅的买主能得到由CMHC担保的债务违约保险以及首付仅付5%的优惠待遇。而事实上，很少有这类购房者在购房时不以大量自有资金支付价款的。不过，在6月9日之后，这类住宅将不再适用于CMHC的保险范围。Other measures have more teeth. The maximum amortisation period for a mortgage will now be25 years, down from 30. That should hurt demand: last year about 40% of new mortgages werefor terms longer than that. Refinancing a home will be allowed only up to 80% of its value, downfrom 85%. Homebuyers will have to demonstrate their housing costs are no more than 39% oftheir gross household income. On top of Mr Flaherty's measures, the Office of theSuperintendent of Financial Institutions, Canada's banking regulator, slapped a loan-to-value limitof 65% on borrowing against home equity.其他那些则更为有力。抵押贷款最长还贷期限如今将从30年降低至25年。这势必将减少需求：去年约有40%的新贷款的期限是超过25年的。允许的房屋再融资的上限从房屋价值的85%降至只有80%。购房者还须证明他们的住房支出不超过家庭总收入的39%。费拉逖的举措中，紧随其后的是，加拿大的银行监管部门，联邦金融机构监督办公室，将贷款和自有资金间的贷款估值比率的限制猛降至65%。Craig Alexander, the chief economist for TD Financial Group, estimates all this will be theequivalent of about a 1% rise in mortgage rates for most homebuyers. He believes that willproduce a slow unwinding of the housing market. If he is right, and Mr Flaherty's variousinterventions avoid the collateral damage that would be caused by an actual interest-rate rise, Canada's admirers will have another thing to swoon over.多伦多道明银行金融集团首席经济学家，克雷格·亚历山大估计，所有这些措施对于购房者而言将等同于抵押贷款利率上升1%。他认为这将促使房产市场缓慢回归。如果他的观点正确，并且费拉逖的各种干预手段能够避免可能引发实际利率上升的附带伤害，那么如此一来，加拿大的崇拜者们又将有一个可以津津乐道的话题了。
next and the joy of the game of livin
一, 与市场,运营情况有关的形容词小结形容市场活跃, 繁荣1 dynamic 有活力的,有生机的2 prosperous 繁荣的3 brisk 兴隆的4 volatile 不稳定的, 活跃浮动的形容市场萧条,不景气5 bleak 惨淡凄凉的6 declining 下滑的,衰退的7 slump 委靡的8 sluggish 不景气,萧条的9 stagnant 停滞不前的, 萧条的二, 关于是“商品”的小结10 merchandise 商品(集合名词)(单数)11 goods 货物(复)12 commodity 商品, 期货futures 13 product 产品 14 produce 农产品 15 freight 运输的货物 ; 运费 16 cargo (船,飞机) 装载的货物 三, 和会议,集会有关的词小结17 convoke 召集18 rally 集合 19 gathering 聚会 20 function 集会，仪式event, happeningOur sports day is the most important function of the year.运动会那一天是我们一年里最盛大的活动。21 adjourn 延会,休会22 confer 商谈四, 常见犯罪小结23 mug 抢劫,(从背后袭击)24 steal 偷 25 loot 抢夺26 pickpocket 扒手27 burglary 夜盗28 smuggle 走私五, 常见支付方式小结29 by cash 现金 30 by check 支票31 by credit card 信用卡32 by money order 汇票33 by installment 分期伏款34 by mail 邮寄六, 关于性格的描述小节35 outgoing 外向活泼36 sociable 善于交际37 adaptable 适应性强38 ambitious 有野心39 hard-working 工作努力40 energetic 有活力41 enterprising 富于进取,有创业精神42 honest 诚实43 reserved 保守,稳重44 responsible 负责 45 optimistic 乐观46 independent 独立 七, 名词1 inflation 通货膨胀2 deflation 通货紧缩3 feasibility 可行性4 overhaul 彻底检查 5 custom 海关6 bruise 擦伤7 indices 是index的复数 注意读音是 / / (听力) 8 commotion 暴动,骚乱9 interest rate 利率10 disposition (1)性情气质 (2) 处理11 carat, karat 克拉12 hallmark 品质证明, 纯正之证明13 asylum 收容所, 养老院 14 orphanage 孤儿院15 morale 士气,人心16 pennant 锦旗17 vicinity 附近, 短语是 in the ~ of 18 interrogation 询问,审讯 短语是 put sb under ~19 intersection 交点20 intermission 休息时间 21 physician 内科医生22 surgeon 外科医生, 军医,船医23 breadwinner 养家糊口的人24 recipe 食谱,方法25 tender 招标,a public ~, ask for tender26 syllabus 课程纲要27 Spaniard 西班牙人28 dispassion 冷静客观29 levity 轻率30 expulsion 开除,除籍31 defamation 诽谤32 payroll 薪水册,工资表33 contraction 收缩 34 renewal 更新35 deduction 扣除(额)36 escalator 电动扶梯37 elevator 电梯,升降梯(美)38 lift 电梯(英)39 emblem 象征标志 同logo symbol 40 dereliction 玩忽职守 ~ of duty41 milk shake 奶昔42 endorsement 背书保证,找明星代言43 approbation 批准许可44 probation 试用 trial 45 deference 顺从尊重46 minor infraction 轻微违法major violation 重大47 vacate 疏散 evacuation 48 anarchy 无政府49 collusion 共谋,勾结50 downturn 下滑take a sudden downturn 51 spa 温泉52 freelance writer 自由撰稿人53 articles 用品,商品54 management 资方 union 工会55 turnover 运转,周转56 turnout (集会)出席者a large turnout 57 annuity 养老金 pension 58 extension 分机59 innovation 革新翻新, renovation装修60 dosage 剂量61 rash 疹子62 clientele 顾客,老主顾63 leave 请假 He is often absent without leave 64 partition 隔间,区分65 junk 垃圾 punk 朋克 66 menopause 更年期 67 razor 剃刀68 crop strains 作物品种 69 headphone 耳机earphone70 automated teller machine 自动提款机ATM71 civilians 听力中注意与surveillance区分72 subsidiary 子公司 73 strip mining 露天采矿74 national (某国的)国民 we employ various nationals at our local companies. 75 mortgage 抵押76 compartment 隔间 Ask the flight attendant if we can put our things in that compartment 77 helping (食物的)一分I had a second helping 78 subcontractor 转包商79 speculation 投机 ~ in real estate80 avocation 副业81 kickback 回扣82 spectator 观众 audience 听众 83 stroller (1)四轮婴儿车 (2)漫步者84 seniority 年长,资深 ~ has priority 85 toner 调色剂86 luncheon 正式午餐，下午餐会87 fa�0�4ade 建筑物正面（法）88 decoy 欺，引诱 envoy 使者，代表 alloy 合金 convoy 护送陪伴 89 interface 交互界面 (desktop 桌面) desktop video conference 桌面视频会议90 boutiques 小店精品店 banquet宴会 bouquet 花束 91 casino 俱乐部，游乐场92 complex 整套设施 (an office complex) Oedipus complex93 commencement ceremony授学位典礼 inception开始 induction 入伍94 modem 调制解调器95 fraud 96 magnate 工业巨头97 gourmet 美食家98 ordinance 法令99 cursor 光标100 liaison 交流合作 101 portfolio 公文包，文件夹 102 corrosives 易腐蚀品103 corporation 企业， (听力中注意和cooperation区分)104 minute 会议录105 recreation 娱乐，休闲 =relaxation 八, 动词1 strand 使搁浅，陷入困境2 relate 叙述3 facilitate 使便利4 excel 优出胜出 ~ in 名词 excellence 5 exceed 超过6 remit 汇款，宽恕7 highlight 强调8 inoculate 接种9 vaccinate 接种疫苗10 remedy 补救11 undermine 诋毁 12 reverse 颠倒 ~ the verdict 判决13 slam 使劲关 ~ dunk14 equip 配备15 capsize 倾覆（船）16 simmer 炖，煨17 retrench 减少，节约18 discredit 使失去权威性，破坏名誉的19 curb 阻止，控制 ~ the use of marijuana 20 process 加工21intercept 中途拦截 22 segregate 隔离，分开分离23 quarantine 隔离检疫24 seclude 隔绝，隐退，隐秘25 appeal 呼吁，恳求，上诉26 lift 解除，提起精神27 rescind 废止，取消28 audit 查帐29 condemn 非难，判罪30 condone 宽恕，容忍31 deviate 偏离，跑题 ~ from 32 disabuse 解惑，矫正 33 disavow 否认34 transfuse 输血35 mingle 交往，混合36 forfeit 没收 confiscate 37 staple 用订书器钉 ADJ 主要的重要的38 deregulate 解除对---的管制39 block 阻挡N 楼40 launch 推出新产品，实施 (an investigation into the scandal) 41 house V. 为---提供住房42 expel 开除，驱除43 reimburse 报销，伏款 = refund44 observe 遵守 ~ the smoking rule45 syndicate （在报刊，杂志联盟）多家报刊上同时发表 46 commute 通勤47 rotate 旋转，循环48 implement 实行49 liquidate 清算，清偿债务50 accrue 增长，自然增殖九, 形容词1 fragile 易碎的2 latter 后者3 latest 最新的 4 later 过一会，过后5 eligible 合格的 illegible 难懂的 6 edible 可食用的 audible 可听到的 7 duplicate 副本的，复制的8 potamic 河川的 9 faulty 有错误的 ~ transformer 变压器 10 supersonic 超音速的11 foremost 首要的 12 affluent 富足的13 explicit 明晰的 14 implicit 暗含的15 hustle-bustle 熙来攘往16 obese 肥胖的17 manifold 各样的，多种18 imprudent 轻率的19 effete 疲惫枯竭 20 ebullient 沸腾的，热情洋溢的21 enervated 无力的衰弱的22 spacious 宽敞的23 selective 精挑细选的24 precocious 早熟的，过早的 25 remiss 疏忽的26 facile 容易的，流畅的27 intangible 无形的28 illicit 不合法的 = illegal 29 diagonal 对角线的 30 methodically 有条不紊的31definitive 限定的，决定的32 plausible 似合理的33 propitious 吉祥的，有利的34 auspicious 吉祥的35 intelligible 可识别的36 inflammable 易燃的37 nonflammable 不易燃的38 quality 质量好的 ~~ product/items/materials 39 state-of-the-art 最新水平40 illegitimate 不合法的，私生的41 tailored 定制的 ~ devise programs to our needs 42 custom-made = tailor-made 特制的43mandatory 强制性的44 provisional—temporary 暂时的，临时的45luxurious 奢侈的46 bear market ”熊市”，也称空头市场，指行情普遍看淡。延续时间相对较长的大跌。47 bull market ”牛市”，也称多头市场，指市场行情普遍看涨，延续时间较长的大升。48 clean 的其他说法： 卫生的hygienic（名词hygiene）干净的 sanitary49 tricky 棘手的，复杂的（工作） 50 languishing 衰弱下去的十 词组1 a handful of people 少数的人2 adjacent to 与---临近3 put on airs 摆架子4 discharge from hospital 出院5 halt buses and subway all day 使公车地铁一天停止6 graphic design 平面设计7 3D design 三维设计8 medical insurance coverage 保险项目，范围9 default rate 拖欠债务率10 full professor 正教授11 potent antibiotics 强效抗生素12 make a rule of doing something 形成---习惯13 chanber of commerce 商会 14 leteter of credit (L/C) 信用证（支付方式的一种）15 stock dividend 股息16 devaluation of the currency 货币贬值17 sprain one’s ankle 扭伤脚踝18 holistic medicine 整体医学19insurance premium 保险费用20 his Hair receding from his fore head 从前额掉头发21 express train 快车 limited train 特快车22 probation/trial period 试用期23 take a hard line with 强权策略 24 tread mission 贸易代表团25 long term objective 长期目标26 the audit department 审纪部27 International Herald Tribune 国际先驱论坛28 top copy 复印原件29 take steps to do 着手落实Many countries have taken steps to improve airport security。 30 pertaining to 适合，合宜，关于 31 a panorama of 齐全，品种繁多 32 24 hours a day = 7 days a week 24小时营业，无休息33 dog days 三伏34 column writer 栏目作者35 staff appraisal 员工评估36 at one’s fingertips 在手头，目前37 lodge and accommodation 膳宿38 fringe benefit 福利，补贴 39 go into liquidation 倒闭40 lag behind 落后 41 phase something out 逐步废止42 write—offs 破旧的无从修理43 abide strictly by 严格恪守44 clearance sale 清仓大处理45 have/take title to 有---特权46 staff attendant 员工出勤情况47 down payment 定金，分期付款的首次款 48 know-how 专项技能，窍门49 cross-reference 互相参照50 labor-intensive industry 劳动密集型行业 一篇中国09年经济展望的论文：Chinese economic outlook for 2009From my point of view, generally speaking, china would forced to face many challenges in 2009 due to the undertaking recession issues, but in the global economic world, it would still be expected to act as one of the first countries to get recovered from the recession. There are five major issues regards to Chinese economic condition in 2009. First, China will be challenged by the influence from international economic crisis. Secondly, due to the combination impact from the home and abroad, the macroeconomic regulation in China would become more complicated; in another word, it may result in a repeating domestic inflation and deflation. Thirdly, the above situations might have side-effects on Chinese stock market and real estate market; further, the small and medium companies might face serious liquidation issues. In Addition, there is a great possibility of a dramatic decline on the employment rate. Last but not least, it would become tremendous difficulty for government to maintain a balanced financial status and also inject further confidence into Chinese economic. To sum up, from the above analysis, it is clear that the economic situation in China for 2009 is not in positive. However, with more focus on Chinese domestic market and increasing living allowances of our lower-income groups, it is possible to achieve a stabilized economic and social position even in such a serious condition.
Macroeconomics is a sub-field of economics that examines the behavior of the economy as a whole, once all of the individual economic decisions of companies and industries have been summed. Economy-wide phenomena considered by macroeconomics include Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and how it is affected by changes in unemployment, national income, rate of growth, and price levels. In contrast, microeconomics is the study of the economic behaviour and decision-making of individual consumers, firms, and industries. Macroeconomics can be used to analyze how to influence government policy goals such as economic growth, price stability, full employment and the attainment of a sustainable balance of payments. Macroeconomics is sometimes used to refer to a general approach to economic reasoning, which includes long term strategies and rational expectations in aggregate behavior. Until the 1930s most economic analysis did not separate out individual economics behavior from aggregate behavior. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, suffered throughout the developed world at the time, and the development of the concept of national income and product statistics, the field of macroeconomics began to expand. Particularly influential were the ideas of John Maynard Keynes, who formulated theories to try to explain the Great Depression. Before that time, comprehensive national accounts, as we know them today, did not exist . One of the challenges of economics has been a struggle to reconcile macroeconomic and microeconomic models. Starting in the 1950s, macroeconomists developed micro-based models of macroeconomic behavior (such as the consumption function). Dutch economist Jan Tinbergen developed the first comprehensive national macroeconomic model, which he first built for the Netherlands and later applied to the United States and the United Kingdom after World War II. The first global macroeconomic model, Wharton Econometric Forecasting Associates LINK project, was initiated by Lawrence Klein and was mentioned in his citation for the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1980. Theorists such as Robert Lucas Jr suggested (in the 1970s) that at least some traditional Keynesian (after British economist John Maynard Keynes) macroeconomic models were questionable as they were not derived from assumptions about individual behavior, although it was not clear whether the failures were in microeconomic assumptions or in macroeconomic models. However, New Keynesian macroeconomics has generally presented microeconomic models to shore up their macroeconomic theorizing, and some Keynesians have contested the idea that microeconomic foundations are essential, if the model is analytically useful. An analogy might be that the fact that quantum phisics is not fully consistent with relativity theory doesn´t mean that realtivity is false. Many important microeconomic assumptions have never been proved, and some have proved wrong. The various schools of thought are not always in direct competition with one another - even though they sometimes reach differing conclusions. Macroeconomics is an ever evolving area of research. The goal of economic research is not to be "right," but rather to be accurate. It is likely that none of the current schools of economic thought perfectly capture the workings of the economy. They do, however, each contribute a small piece of the overall puzzle. As one learns more about each school of thought, it is possible to combine aspects of each in order to reach an informed synthesis. The traditional distinction is between two different approaches to economics: Keynesian economics, focusing on demand; and supply-side (or neo-classical) economics, focusing on supply. Neither view is typically endorsed to the complete exclusion of the other, but most schools do tend clearly to emphasize one or the other as a theoretical foundation. • Keynesian economics focuses on aggregate demand to explain levels of unemployment and the business cycle. That is, business cycle fluctuations should be reduced through fiscal policy (the government spends more or less depending on the situation) and monetary policy. Early Keynesian macroeconomics was "activist," calling for regular use of policy to stabilize the capitalist economy, while some Keynesians called for the use of incomes policies. • Supply-side economics delineates quite clearly the roles of monetary policy and fiscal policy. The focus for monetary policy should be purely on the price of money as determined by the supply of money and the demand for money. It advocates a monetary policy that directly targets the value of money and does not target interest rates at all. Typically the value of money is measured by reference to gold or some other reference. The focus of fiscal policy is to raise revenue for worthy government investments with a clear recognition of the impact that taxation has on domestic trade. It places heavy emphasis on Say's law, which states that recessions do not occur because of failure in demand or lack of money. • Monetarism, led by Milton Friedman, which holds that inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon. It rejects fiscal policy because it leads to "crowding out" of the private sector. Further, it does not wish to combat inflation or deflation by means of active demand management as in Keynesian economics, but by means of monetary policy rules, such as keeping the rate of growth of the money supply constant over time. • New Keynesian economics, which developed partly in response to new classical economics, strives to provide microeconomic foundations to Keynesian economics by showing how imperfect markets can justify demand management. • Austrian economics is a laissez-faire school of macroeconomics. It focuses on the business cycle that arises from government or central-bank interference that leads to deviations from the natural rate of interest. • Post-Keynesian economics represents a dissent from mainstream Keynesian economics, emphasizing the role of uncertainty and the historical process in macroeconomics. • New classical economics. The original theoretical impetus was the charge that Keynesian economics lacks microeconomic foundations -- . its assertions are not founded in basic economic theory. This school emerged during the 1970s. This school asserts that it does not make sense to claim that the economy at any time might be "out-of-equilibrium". Fluctuations in aggregate variables follow from the individuals in the society continuously re-optimizing as new information on the state of the world is revealed. Later yielded an explicit school which argued that macro-economics does not have micro-economic foundations, but is instead the tool of studying economic systems at equilibrium. 宏观经济学是一种分场经济学的行为,研究是在整个经济中,一旦所有的个人的经济决策,为公司和产业被。宏观经济学认为经济现象包括国内生产总值(GDP)以及它是如何变化影响失业的国民收入的)经济成长率、价格水平。相反,微观经济学研究的就是经济行为和决策的个体消费者,公司和行业。宏观经济学可以用来分析如何影响政府的政策的目标,比如经济增长,价格稳定,充分就业和获取可持续国际收支差额。宏观经济学有时用来指一个经济理论的主要途径,包括长期战略的期望和理性综合行为。直到30年代为止,大部分的经济分析没有独立的个人经济综合行为举止。与1930年代的经济大萧条,遭受了在所有发达国家,发展国民收入的概念和产品的统计数据,但是研究领域的宏观经济学开始扩展。具有特殊影响力的想法是,约翰•梅纳德凯恩斯理论,努力向他们解释制定了经济大萧条。在那时候,综合国民经济核算,如同我们知道他们今天,是不存在的。经济学的一个挑战是一场斗争调和宏观经济政策和微观经济政策,模型。开始于20世纪50年代,macroeconomists发达micro-based模型的宏观经济行为(如消费函数)。1月Tinbergen荷兰经济学家第一个全面发展国家宏观经济模型,该模型他第一次建成为荷兰和后应用于美国和英国二战之后。第一个全球宏观经济模型,沃顿计量预测伙伴联系工程项目,发生在劳伦斯发起克莱恩和被提及他的嘉奖经济学诺贝尔经济学奖1980年。理论家如罗伯特·卢卡斯认为(是在上世纪70年代),认为至少有一些传统的凯恩斯(英国经济学家约翰梅纳德凯恩斯)宏观经济模型都是可疑的,因为他们不是来源于假设的个人行为,虽然现在还不清楚这些失败在微观经济的假定,或是对宏观经济模型。然而,最新凯恩斯主义的宏观微观模型提出了大致以支持他们的宏观经济理论有争议,一些凯恩斯主义者的想法,微观经济基础是必要的,如果模型是分析有用的。打个比方可能是,这样的事实,即量子phisics并不完全符合相对论´,并不代表没有realtivity是假的。许多重要的微观经济假设从来没有被证明,而有些人的证明是错误的。各种各样的思想学派并不总是在彼此的直接竞争,尽管他们有时会达到不同的结论。宏观经济学是一种前所未有的领域的研究。研究经济学的目标不是"正确",而是是精确的。很有可能是学校目前尚无一个经济思想完全捕捉运作方式的经济。不过,他们的贡献每一小块整体难题。当你学会更多关于每个思想学派,它能把方面的每一个为了达到一个通知的合成。传统的区别是留给经济学两种不同的方法,重点凯恩斯经济学和供方需求;(或古典)经济学、关注供应。也都是典型的观点完全排除其他,但大多数学校都往往清晰地强调一个或另一个是的理论基础。•凯恩斯经济学交融在总需求,以解释失业率和商业周期。商业周期波动,应减少通过财政政策(政府花费或多或少根据实际情况)和货币政策。早期凯恩斯主义的宏观经济学是“活动家,定期使用《召唤的政策稳定资本主义经济,虽然有些凯恩斯主义要求使用收入政策。•供给的经济学的作用很明显地在当前货币政策与财政政策。关注于货币政策应该是完全对价格的钱所确定的货币供应的需求的特点,为了金钱。它提倡货币政策,直接目标钱的价值,不目标利率。典型的钱的价值在于用参考金或其他参考。财政政策的重点是提高政府农业投资价值的收入为一个明确的认识税收的影响在国内贸易。它设置了过度强调了说的法律,它表明不会发生经济衰退需求下降、因为没有缺钱。•货币主义的带领下,由弗里德曼,认为始终通货膨胀是一种货币现象。财政政策拒绝,因为会导致“挤退”的私人生活。此外,它不希望对抗通货膨胀或通货紧缩采用主动需求管理在凯恩斯经济学,通过货币政策规则,即坚持的增长速度恒定的钱。凯恩斯•新经济发达的部分原因是为了适应新古典经济学、致力于提供凯恩斯现代经济学的微观经济基础显示出了市场的不完善就能名正言顺的需求管理等。•奥地利经济学是个自由放任主义的学校的宏观经济。它侧重于商业周期,而政府或中央银行的干扰导致偏离自然失业率的兴趣。•Post-Keynesian经济学所代表了凯恩斯经济学主流的作用,强调历史过程中不确定性和宏观经济。•新古典经济学。原理论动力的费用是凯恩斯经济学缺乏有效的微观经济基础——亦即其断言不成立于基本经济理论。这所学校出现在20世纪70年代。这所学校断言它是没有道理的主张经济会随时out-of-equilibrium”。波动的总变量遵从的在这个社会的个人不断re-optimizing新信息的状态的世界就会显现出来。后来取得了一个显式学校一样,认为宏观经济学没有微观经济基础,反而学习经济系统的工具在平衡。
Health careA new prescription for the poor为贫穷者新开的处方America is developing a two-tier health system, one for those with private insurance, the other for the less well-off美国正在发展一个双重的健康系统，一重是为那些有个人保险的人群，而另一重则是为那些不那么富裕的人群Oct 8th 2011 | NEW YORK | from the print edition“IT’S time for Dancing with the Stars!”, a woman announces enthusiastically. At this New York health centre, wedged between housing projects to the east and Chinatown to the west, “dancing with the stars” means dancing with a physical therapist. An old man stands up with a nurse and begins a determined samba.“是时候和明星一起跳舞了！”一位女士满怀热情地宣告。在这个坐落于房屋工程的西面，唐人街东面的纽约健康中心，“和明星起舞”的意思是和一位物理治疗师跳舞。一位老者和一个护士站起来，开始跳事先确定好的桑巴舞。Comprehensive Care Management (CCM), which runs this centre, tries to keep old people active. To do so, explains Joseph Healy, the chief operating officer, is in the company’s best interest. The government pays CCM a capped rate for the care of its members. If someone gets sick, his health costs rise and the company’s margin shrinks. Mr Healy argues that the system is the best way to provide good care at a low cost. Increasingly others seem to agree.经营这个中心的综合护理管理部门（CCM）努力保持老人们的活力。约瑟夫-海莉，首席运营官解释说，这样做符合公司的最佳利益。政府给这个部门一个封顶的津贴来让他们照顾这些人。如果有人生病了，他的健康成本就会上升，公司的利润就会萎缩。海莉先生确定说这个系统能够在一个低成本上提供最佳的护理。其他人也逐渐同意这个观点。Medicaid, America’s health programme for the poor, is in the process of being transformed. Over the next three years, New York will move its entire Medicaid population into “managed care”, paying companies a set rate to tend to the poor, rather than paying a fee for each service. New York is not alone. States from California to Mississippi are expanding managed care. It is the culmination of a steady shift in the way most poor Americans receive their health-care treatment.公共医疗补助，即美国的穷人健康计划，正在被改造的过程中。在接下来的 三年内，纽约将把整个接受穷人健康计划的人群纳入“管理关怀”之中，付给公司们一个事先定好的费用来照顾那些穷人，而不是按照项目来付费。纽约不是唯一这样做的州。加州，密西西比州正在拓展管理关怀计划。这代表一种正在进行中的稳步转变，即大部分贫穷美国人接受健康关怀方式的转变。Medicaid is America’s single biggest health programme. This year roughly one in five Americans will be covered by Medicaid for a month or more. It gobbles more federal and local money than any state programme, other than education. Costs will rise even more when Barack Obama’s health-care reform expands the programme by easing eligibility rules in 2014. Congress’s “supercommittee” is already considering cuts. However, there are more immediate pressures behind the present drive for change.公共医疗补助是美国最大的单一健康计划。今年，五个美国人中的一个就会被纳入该计划一个月或更长时间。除了教育之外，它比其他任何州的财政计划耗去更多联邦和地方的经费。当2014年奥巴马的健康保险改革放宽适用人群而使整个计划更加庞大的时候，成本将会进一步上升。众议院的“超级委员会”已经在考虑削减经费。然而，选择这种变化，将会有更多即刻的压力存在。Enrolment in Medicaid jumped during the downturn, from in December 2007 to in June 2010. Mr Obama’s stimulus bill helped to pay for some of this, but that money has dried up. Faced with gaping deficits, some desperate governors slashed payments to hospitals and doctors, or refused to pay for trips to the dentist or oculist. But much the most important result has been structural: the expansion of managed care.公共医疗补助计划的参与人数在经济滑坡期间从2007年12月的 4270万人跳到了2010年6月的5030万人。奥巴马先生的经济刺激经费能够帮助付掉其中的一部分，但是钱已经被用光。面对资金短缺，一些绝望的州长砍掉了给医院和医生的补助，或是拒绝支付牙医和眼科医生的旅行费用。但是，更多地，最重要的结果是结构上的：管理关怀的拓展。States have dabbled in managed care for decades. The trend accelerated in the 1990s, with the share of Medicaid patients under this form of care reaching 72% by 2009. Now, however, there is a strong push for the remainder. States that did not have managed care, such as Louisiana, are introducing it. Other states are extending it to people previously deemed off limits: California and New York, for example, are moving the elderly and disabled into that system of care. Texas is targeting more than 400,000 Medicaid beneficiaries in the Rio Grande Valley. Local politicians had resisted the move, nervous that care might deteriorate. But the yawning deficit meant that they were overruled.各个州涉足管理关怀已经有几十年的历史了。这个趋势在90年代得到加速发展，在2009年前使用这种护理方式的公共医疗补助病人占到了72%。现在，对于剩下的人，这也是很强的推动力。像路易斯安那州这样没有管理关怀的州正在引进管理关怀。其他州也把这个拓展到原先被认为不适用的人群：举例说像加州和纽约州，正在把老人和残障人士纳入这个系统中，德州的目标是在格兰德河谷超过400000公共医疗补助收益人群。地方政治家反对这个举动，他们担心这个护理系统将会变质。但是巨大的赤字意味着他们的观点注定要被批驳。The result is a country with two distinct tiers of health care. Most Americans with private insurance are still horrified by thoughts of health-management organisations and prefer to pay fees for each medical service. For the poor, managed care is becoming the norm.结果就是一个国家有两套截然不同的健康保险系统。大多数有个人保险的美国人仍旧害怕那些健康管理组织的想法而宁愿为单独的医疗服务付费。对于穷人来说，管理关怀已经成为一种常规。Advocates of managed care have high expectations. First, they hope that it will make costs more predictable. Second, they believe that the change will improve patients’ health. In managed care, a patient has a network of doctors and specialists. If the programme works properly, doctors can monitor all aspects of care, in contrast to the fragmented fee-for-service system. The contracts that states have with firms can set standards for quality. Texas, for instance, will cut 5% from a company’s payment if it does not meet what is required.管理关怀的鼓吹者有着很高的期待。首先，他们希望这能让成本变得可以预测，其次，他们相信，这个改变可以改善病人的健康。在管理关怀中，一个病人有一个由医生和专家组成的网络。如果这个计划运行良好，医生可以监测关怀的各个方面，相对于分离的的按服务付钱的系统来说。州政府和公司的合同可以为质量定下标准。德州，举例说，将会在付款中扣除5%如果公司没有达到要求的标准。The next step is to integrate care for those eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare, the federal programme for the old. These “duals” account for almost 40% of Medicaid’s costs and just 15% of its population. “If managed care can really deliver better care than fee-for-service”, says Diane Rowland, chair of the commission that advises Congress on Medicaid, “this is the population that could prove it.”下一步是整合那些同时符合公共医疗补助和长者医疗补助计划（联邦老人医疗补助）的人群。这些“双符合”人群占据了将近40%的公共医疗补助成本和仅仅15%的人口数量。“如果管理关怀能真正比按项目付费带来更好的服务”，戴安-罗兰德，委员会（指导国会在公共医疗补助政策上进行决策）主任说：“这是一群能证明管理关怀可行的人。”But some, such as Norma Vescovo, are sceptical. As the head of the non-profit Independent Living Centre of Southern California (ILCSC), Ms Vescovo serves Medicaid patients with severe health problems. Over the years she has often sued California on policies that she thinks will hurt her vulnerable clients. On October 3rd her case moved to the Supreme Court.但是一些人，例如像诺玛-凡斯科夫就对此表示怀疑。作为非盈利的南加州独立生活中心主任，凡斯科夫女士服务于那些有严重健康问题的接受公共医疗补助的病人。在这些年间，她经常控告加州政府在一些政策上会伤害她的一些脆弱的客户。在10月3日，她的案子被移到了上诉法院。The outcome of Douglas v Independent Living Centre will have profound implications for the future of Medicaid. Ms Vescovo’s suit concerns cuts to hospitals and doctors. But the case will also guide the course of managed care. If ILCSC and its co-plaintiffs win, private groups will continue to be able to challenge states on policies they think violate federal Medicaid law. Ms Vescovo, who argues that California’s payment cuts would eviscerate her clients’ access to services, worries that under managed care the disabled might not be able to see the specialists they need.道格拉斯 v 独立生活中心的结果将会对公共医疗补助有深远的意义。凡斯科夫女士的诉讼影响到医院和医生的津贴削减。但是这个案子将会引领管理关怀的进程。如果中心和其他原告胜诉，私人团体将会继续在那些他们认为违反联邦法律的政策上挑战州政府。凡斯科夫女士认为说加州的支付削减计划会让她的客户失去得到服务的机会，她还担心，在管理关怀之下，那些残障人士可能不能见到那些他们需要的专家。The question is how to supervise the experiments with managed care that are being carried out in various states. To date, Medicaid beneficiaries have been able to challenge the states in court. However, if the Supreme Court rules against ILCSC, that avenue will be closed. The Centres for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) technically can intervene if states do not provide proper access to care. In reality, CMS has few tools to do so.问题是怎么监管在不同州试运行的管理关怀。到目前为止，公共医疗补助受益者已经能够在法庭中挑战政府。然而，如果上诉法庭结果不利于中心，那么这条路将会被关闭。如果州政府没有提供合适的关怀的话，公共医疗补助和长者医疗关怀中心理论上是能对此进行干涉，但事实上，他们没有太多办法。“I’m a big fan of managed care”, says Sara Rosenbaum, a professor at George Washington University, “but this transformation may happen with almost no federal oversight.” Medicaid beneficiaries are vulnerable, in worse health than Americans as a whole. Companies may struggle to cut costs and provide good care as well. If states do not draft their contracts properly, or fail to be vigilant in monitoring patients’ health, their experiment in managed care could be a disaster. On the other hand, if states are careful they could provide an answer to the question that has vexed America for years: how to provide good, cheap health care.“我是管理关怀的拥护者”，萨拉-罗森博姆，一位乔治华盛顿大学教授说，“但是这种转变可能在没有联邦监管的情况下发生。”公共医疗补助的受益者和你脆弱，健康程度整体上比一般美国人要差。公司可能在削减成本的同时挣扎着同样提供良好的服务。如果州政府们不好好起草他们的合同，或没有警觉地监控病人的健康的话，他们在管理关怀上的实验可能会是一场灾难。另一方面，如果州政府们认真的话，他们能为那个困扰美国人多年的问题提供答案，即怎么提供优质的便宜的健康关怀。
Half-way from rags to richesApr 24th 2008From The Economist print editionVietnam has made a remarkable recovery from war and penury, says Peter Collins (interviewed here). But can it change enough to join the rich world?EyevineCorrection to this articleKNEES and knuckles scraping the ground, the visitors struggle to keep up with the tour guide who is briskly leading the way through the labyrinth of claustrophobic burrows dug into the hard earth. The legendary Cu Chi tunnels, from which the Viet Cong launched waves of surprise attacks on the Americans during the Vietnam war, are now a popular tourist attraction (pictured above). Visitors from all over the world arrive daily at the site near the city that used to be called Saigon, renamed Ho Chi Minh City after the Communists took the south in the wreckage of an abandoned M41 tank another friendly guide demonstrates a dozen types of improvised booby-traps with sharp spikes that were set in and around the tunnels to maim pursuing American soldiers. The Vietnamese not only welcome the tourist dollars Cu Chi brings in, but are also rather proud of it. They feel it demonstrates their ingenuity, adaptability, perseverance and, above all, their determination to resist much stronger foreign invaders, as the country has done many times down the centuries. These days Vietnam also has plenty of other things to be proud of. In the 1980s Ho Chi Minh's successors as party leaders damaged the war-ravaged economy even more by attempting to introduce real communism, collectivising land ownership and repressing private business. This caused the country to slide to the brink of famine. The collapse soon afterwards of its cold-war sponsor, the Soviet Union, added to the country's deep isolation and cut off the flow of roubles that had kept its economy going. Neighbouring countries were inundated with desperate Vietnamese “boat people”. Since then the country has been transformed by almost two decades of rapid but equitable growth, in which Vietnam has flung open its doors to the outside world and liberalised its economy. Over the past decade annual growth has averaged . Young, prosperous and confident Vietnamese throng downtown Ho Chi Minh City's smart Dong Khoi street with its designer shops. The quality of life is high for a country that until recently was so poor, and its larger cities have retained some of their colonial charm, though choking traffic and constant construction work are beginning to take their toll. An agricultural miracle has turned a country of 85m once barely able to feed itself into one of the world's main providers of farm produce. Vietnam has also become a big exporter of clothes, shoes and furniture, soon to be joined by microchips when Intel opens its $1 billion factory outside Ho Chi Minh City. Imports of machinery are soaring. Exports plus imports equal 160% of GDP, making the economy one of the world's most open. All this has kept government revenues buoyant despite cuts in import tariffs. The recent introduction of company taxes is also helping to fill the government's coffers. Spending on public services has surged, yet public debt, at an acceptable 43% of GDP, has remained fairly stable. Having made peace with its former foes, Vietnam hosted Presidents Bush, Putin and Hu at the Asia-Pacific summit in 2006 and joined the World Trade Organisation in 2007. This year it has one of the rotating seats on the UN Security Council. Vietnam's Communists conceded economic defeat 22 years ago, in the depths of a crisis, and brought in market-based reforms called doi moi (renewal), similar to those Deng Xiaoping had introduced in China a few years earlier. As in China, it took time for the effects to show up, but over the past few years economic liberalisation has been fostering rapid, poverty-reducing World Bank's representative in Vietnam, Ajay Chhibber, calls Vietnam a “poster child” of the benefits of market-oriented reforms. Not only does it comply with the catechism of the “Washington Consensus”—free enterprise, free trade, sensible state finances and so on—but it also ticks all the boxes for the Millennium Development Goals, the UN's anti-poverty blueprint. The proportion of households with electricity has doubled since the early 1990s, to 94%. Almost all children now attend primary school and benefit from at least basic no longer really needs the multilateral organisations' aid. Multilateral and bilateral donors together have promised the country $ billion in loans and grants this year, but with so much foreign investment pouring in, Vietnam's currency reserves increased by almost double that figure last year. At least the aid donors have learned from the mid-1990s, when excessive praise discouraged Vietnam from continuing to reform, prompting an exodus of investors. Now the tone in private meetings with officials is much franker, says a diplomat who attends them. Vietnam has become the darling of foreign investors and multinationals. Firms that draw up a “China-plus-one” strategy for new factories in case things go awry in China itself often make Vietnam the plus-one. Wage costs remain well below those in southern China and productivity is growing faster, albeit from a lower base. When the UN Conference on Trade and Development asked multinationals where they planned to invest this year and next, Vietnam, at number six, was the only South-East Asian country in the top ten. The government's programme of selling stakes in publicly owned firms and exposing them to market discipline has recently gathered pace. At the same time the switch from a command economy to free competition has allowed the Vietnamese people's entrepreneurialism to flourish. Almost every household now seems to be running a micro-business on the side, and a slew of ambitious larger firms is coming to the stockmarket. Much of the praise now being showered anew on the country is deserved. The government is well on course for its target of turning Vietnam into a middle-income country by 2010. Its longer-term aim, of becoming a modern industrial nation by 2020, does not seem unrealistic. But from now on the going may get tougher. As Mr Chhibber notes, few countries escape the “middle-income trap” as they become richer. They tend to lose their reformist zeal and see their growth fizzle. A study in 2006 by the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences concluded that further reductions in poverty will require higher growth rates than in the past because the remaining poor are well below the poverty line, whereas many of those who recently crossed it did not have far to stench of corruptionThe Communist Party leadership openly admits that the Vietnamese public is fed up with the endemic corruption at all levels of public life, from lowly traffic policemen and clerks to the most senior people in ministries. In 2006, just before the party's five-yearly congress, the transport minister resigned and several officials were arrested over a scandal in which millions of dollars of foreign aid were gambled on the outcome of football matches. The leadership insists it is doing its best to clean up, but a lot remains to be as bad as the corruption is the glacial speed of legislative and bureaucratic processes. Proposed laws have to pass through all sorts of hoops before taking effect, with endless rounds of consultations to build consensus. The dividing line between the Communist Party, the government and the courts is not always clear. The justice system is rudimentary. Lawyers have no formal access to past case files, so they find it hard to use precedent in legal government is part-way through a huge project to slim the bureaucracy and streamline official procedures. It recently cut the number of ministries from 28 to 22. Yet for the moment the bureaucratic logjam is stopping the country building the roads, power stations and other public works it needs to maintain its growth rate. Nguyen Tan Dung, the prime minister, says that if growth is to continue at its current rate, the country's electricity-generating capacity needs to double by 2010. That seems a tall order, to put it mildly. Soaring car-ownership is leaving the country's underdeveloped roads increasingly gridlocked. In an admirably liberal attempt to limit price distortions as oil surged above $100 a barrel, the government slashed fuel subsidies in February. But one effect will be to stoke inflation, already worryingly high at in March. Bank lending surged by 38% last year as firms and individuals borrowed to speculate on shares and government is finding it much harder to manage an economy made up of myriad private companies, banks and investors than to issue instructions to a limited number of state institutions, especially as the public sector is currently suffering a drain of talent to private firms that are able to offer much higher pay. What could go wrongAll this leaves Vietnam's continued economic development exposed to a number of risks: • Rising inflation—which is hurting low earners in particular—and a growing shortage of affordable housing could create a new urban underclass among unskilled workers who have left the land for the cities. Combined with rising resentment at official corruption and the increasing visibility of Vietnam's new rich, this could cause social friction and bring strikes and protests, chipping away at the political stability that has underpinned Vietnam's strong growth and investment.• Trade liberalisation and increased domestic competition will benefit some firms and farmers but hurt others—especially inefficient state enterprises. These could join forces and press the government to halt or even reverse the reforms.• The slumping stockmarket or perhaps a property crash could cause a big firm or bank to fail. Given the country's weak and untested bankruptcy laws and financial regulators, the authorities may find it hard to deal with that kind of calamity.• Natural disasters, from bird flu to floods, could cause chaos.• The economy could come up against the limits of its creaking infrastructure and the shortage of people with higher skills. Jammed roads, power blackouts and the inability to fill managerial and professional jobs could all bring Vietnam's growth rate crashing has set itself such demanding standards that even if some combination of these factors did no more than push annual growth below 5%, it would be seen as a serious setback. The foreign minister, Pham Gia Khiem, notes that Vietnam's current growth of around 8-9% is lower than that in Asia's richest economies at the same stage in their development. Despite the risks ahead, Vietnam has already provided the world with an admirable model for overcoming war, division, penury and isolation and growing strongly but equitably to reach middle-income status. This model could be followed by many impoverished African states or, closer to home, perhaps by North Korea. If it can be combined with gradual political liberalisation, it might even offer something for China to think about.
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因为是在网吧，只找到3篇文章，如果楼主觉得合适发邮件到我把全文发给你[1]Sornn-Friese, H. and J. S?rensen, Linkage lock-in and regional economic development: the case of the ?resund medi-tech plastics industry. Entrepreneurship & Regional Development, 2005. 17(4): p. 267-291.[2]Warner, M., Putting Child Care in the Regional Economy: Empirical and Conceptual Challenges and Economic Development Prospects. JOURNAL-COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT SOCIETY, 2006. 37(2): p. 7.[3]André, F., M. Cardenete, and E. Velázquez, Performing an environmental tax reform in a regional economy. A computable general equilibrium approach. The Annals of Regional Science, 2005. 39(2): p. 375-392.
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1、学生大论文中心包含 哲学类 | 经济学 | 法学类 | 教育学 | 文学类| 艺术学 | 理学类 | 工学类 | 医学类 | 管理学 | }社会学 | ***学。为html格式。2、蜂朝无忧论文网门类很全。3、论文下载中心门类很全。4、论文帝国门类较全。二、 教育类1、教研论文交流中心以中小学教育为主，基础教育、英语教学文章居多。2、教育教学论文网以教育论文为主，包含：语文论文 美术论文 物理论文化学论文 英语论文 历史论文 德育论文 教学论文数学论文 音乐论文 生物论文 自然论文 体育论文地理论文 摄影论文 劳动技术 农村教育 毕业论文素质论文 医学论文 电子电器学 思维科学 计算机论文活动课教学 书法篆刻论文 创新教育研究 心理健康教育西部教育论文 信息技术论文3、教育论文、中国园丁网论文大观、北大附小学校教师的文章：三、 专业类1、优秀论文杂志以科技类为主。2、论文资料网以财经经济管理类为主。3、法律图书馆文如其名。4、法学论文资料库文如其名。5、中国总经理网论文集、mba职业经理人论坛、中国农业在线-农业论文、体育论文、财经学位论文下载中心、公开发表论文_深圳证券交易所、中国路桥资讯网论文资料中心、论文商务中心、法律帝国：四、 论文写作教学类1、学术论文其实是学术论文的写作网站。五、 博硕士论文1、论文统计实际上就是万方的论文统计。2、台湾博硕士论文咨讯网、北京大学学位论文样本收藏、学位论文 （清华大学）
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近年来,世界各国在 教育 、军事、经济、政治、文学等多个领域的交流越来越频繁,极大地促进了这些领域的进步和快速发展。下面是我为大家整理的英文学术论文，供大家参考。
摘要：英美文学中的文学批评存在多种不同的理论，不同理论学派所持有的观点也不尽相同，每个学派之间都有其丰富的理论基础，从多维的角度去进行主客观的文学批评，正是因为文学批评有着其自身科学性、审美性、公信力等方面的特点，能够包容多种批评学派的存在，对文学作品进行客观、科学的批评。
关键词：英美文学;文学批评
一、文学批评理论在英美文学教学中的意义
目前我国大多数院校都开设了相应的文学教育理论课程，而在关于英美文学的教学过程中，文学批评与文学教学是相辅相成的关系，文学批评可以从其独特的视角关注和解读英美文学作品，得到与众不同的观点，从而充分了解了整部英美文学作品的历史意义和内涵。文学批评也为英美文学教学提供了一把打开其大门的钥匙，让学生有机会从不同的角度，不同的观点、不同的思想关注英美文学，更好地促进了英美文学的发展。以文学批评基本理论为依据，应用到英美文学教学中，将有助于在学习作品过程中，避免传统的、印象式的解读，使学生通过对原著的充分解读，仔细品味原著中作者想要表达的观点，以及写作的手法，培养学生踏实阅读的学风，还能够让学生充分感受到文学的魅力，增强学习兴趣，提高学习成绩。
二、英美文学中文学批评的多方位表现形式
1.英美文学中新批评理论。
上世纪三四十年代开始出现以兰色姆()、威姆塞特()等为代表，形成了英美文学中的“新批评”理论。他们认为一切从作者的原始写作动机与作者的阅读感受为出发点所进行的文学批评都是“错误的谬论”，脱离了文学批评的初衷，将文学批评的对象进行了根本的转移，即转移到了文学作品对阅读者心理影响方面上，脱离了被批评对象的本身，从而沦为了单一的印象论。英美文学中的新批评理论认为单纯依靠阅读者的感觉，会使阅读者产生相对的“阅读错觉”——即带入阅读者已有的自我认知来干扰对作品进行正确的、客观的文学批评。新批评理论强调的是以尊重和细读原著为基础，对原著进行客观、公正的、不带有固有主观意识的文学批评，形成踏实阅读的风气。在高校英美文学教学过程中运用新批评理论，也就是说教师需要花更多的时间去钻研原著，提出更有价值的问题供学生进行课上探讨，这样才能赋予学生机会去利用新批评理论认识英美文学、了解英美文学、发现英美文学的精髓所在，主动地去学习英美文学。
2.英美文学中读者反应批评理论。
在整个英美文学历史发展过程中，从来不缺少批评的新声音和新形式的产生于与发展，斯坦利.费希(StanleyFish)就对新批评理论提出了挑战，他认为单纯的从作品本身进行分析而忽略了读者的作用，是对整个阅读过程的误解。“读者反应批评”强调原著作品对于读者的影响，读者在阅读原著后所起到的作用以及能够从中得到的感受为重点。读者反应批评理论以读者为重，从读者的角度来诠释“文学批评”的过程。作品需要“留白”，这些留白的地方正是读者阅读完作品之后进行的“自我想象”，是对作品新的解读和延展，得到一种“作者——作品——读者”三者之间的交流。但是这种理论由于强调的是读者的作用，而每位读者都是不同的个体，即便对同一文学作品，也有着不同的解读方式和看法。这是“读者反应批评理论”所面对的最大的难题。
三、英美文学作品中文学批评的特点
1.文学批评与多种学科紧密相连。
在英美文学中文学批评几乎是文学研究的 同义词 ，文学批评以文学鉴赏为基础，以文学理论为指导，对作家作品进行分析、研究、认识和评价，这一整个过程不单单是一种文学行为，更是与多种学科有着密切的联系，大部分的文学批评都运用了“心理学”“社会学”“哲学”等多种学科。尤其是文学批评中的“读者反应批评理论”充分运用了读者的阅读心理和阅读感受，来对文学作品进行文学批评，得到了相关作品的反馈。
2.英美文学中的文学批评具有审美性。
不论是以新批评理论为基础，还是以读者反应批评理论为基础，大部分的文学批评都具有审美性。这里的审美性指的是它以文学作品为基础，关注做作品所传达的艺术性和美学性，批评者需要按照美的规律，从文学作品的美学方向出发对原著进行审美性分析，作出审美判断和评价，使读者能够更好的理解和认识到作品，提升读者的审美情趣和阅读能力。
3.英美文学中的文学批评具有科学性。
任何形式的文学批评都不应该脱离科学发展的实际，正确的文学批评在批评者进行美学、艺术学批评的同时也要利用理性的 逻辑思维 方式，对文学作品进行客观的批评。批评者需要具备科学的创造性，用科学的研究 方法 、研究思维、研究理论对文学作品进行客观公正的批评，并且能够以客观事实为基础，查阅大量丰富的文学资料来对原著进行周密的、系统的分析和判断，不可参杂大量的个人主观思想、狭隘偏见，以对原著进行科学的文学批评。
四、结束语
英美文学中的文学批评存在多种不同的理论，不同理论学派所持有的观点也不尽相同，每个学派之间都有其丰富的理论基础，从多维的角度去进行主客观的文学批评，正是因为文学批评有着其自身科学性、审美性、公信力等方面的特点，能够包容多种批评学派的存在，对文学作品进行客观、科学的批评。文学又有着其特殊的地方，不同于其他客观事物，不能用一般规律去对它进行解读和分析，正是因为有了文学批评的存在，才能够在不同读者角度，不同理论支持下对英美文学作品进行深层次的分析和解读，探究作者想要表达的观点，了解原著作者的真实意图， 总结 归纳英美文学发展特点，以便更好地学习。
参考文献
1、英美文学课的困境与多媒体辅助教学刘仪华南通师范学院学报(哲学社会科学版)2000-10-3025
2、高校英语专业英美文学类课程教学现状调查鲁吉西安外国语学院学报2003-12-0124
摘要：随着时代的发展，我国高等教育需要培养人文素质与科学素质相结合的人才，以促进学生的全面发展.如果学生只注重科学知识而忽视其人文素质的培养，将会成为一个只拥有知识而没有智慧的人。
关键词：英美文学;英语教学
英美文学导入作为一种新的导入模式，可以拓宽大学英语的教学模式，符合《要求》中集多种教学模式的需要.另外，我国普通高校特别是理工科院校的学生大都是理科生，在高中阶段把注意力集中在数理化和生物的学习上，对英美文学知识的了解相对较少，《要求》中提出大学英语教学要提高学生的综合 文化 素养，在大学英语教学中有必要融入英美文学导入，使学生更多地了解英美文学知识和西方文化，这有助于提高学生的学习兴趣，培养其综合文化素养.目前，我国普通高校的大学英语教师在学习期间都学习过英美文学，其中一些教师在研究生阶段的研究方向就是英美文学.教师掌握丰富的英美文学知识，有能力在导入中融入该方面的知识.所以，从大学英语教学要求、学生的求知欲和教师能力几方面来看，英美文学导入融入大学英语教学具有一定的可行性.
受传统大学英语教学模式单一的影响，很多学生在学习过程中产生厌学感、疲惫感和焦虑感，影响学生学习的积极性和学习效率，而文学导入“可以减轻学习者的焦虑感，以利于语言习得”[2].英美文学导入可帮助学生摆脱传统大学英语教学模式单一的负面影响，对新时代的大学英语教学具有积极的促进作用.
1有助于提高学生的学习兴趣
著名科学家爱因斯坦曾说过:“兴趣是最好的老师”.当学生对一门学科感兴趣时，即使没有家长、教师的督促，学生也会对这一学科不断地探索和学习，从中获得学习这一学科的乐趣.目前，我国大多数学生从小学三年级开始 学习英语 ，到大学一年级基本学习了十年英语，多数学生已经对英语产生厌倦感.所以，让学生继续学习英语的最好办法就是不断提高他们对英语的兴趣.英美文学方面的知识在高中阶段接触得较少或只接触一些浅显的内容，在导入中加入英美文学内容会使学生们觉得很新颖，从而能集中注意力认真听老师讲解并提高学习兴趣.在《新视野大学英语》读写教程第一册第七单元“FacetoFacewithGuns”中有一个 句子 :Turingthosepa-gesandstudyingtheirphotographsislikeflowingonthesadcurrentthat，likeBlake’sThames，seemsto“markineveryface，marksofweakness，marksofwoe[3]”.这句话实际上引用了美国著名浪漫主义诗人威廉•布莱克的著作《伦敦》中的诗句，教师可以通过对浪漫主义时期的诗歌特点对《伦敦》进行分析，可以增强学生对诗歌的欣赏能力和对课文中句子的准确理解.《新视野大学英语》读写教程第二册第六单元中，SectionA部分的 文章 标题是“AsHisNameIs，SoIsHe!”，有的教师会根据文章标题从人名的角度进行导入，但如果从文学角度进行导入会更加激发学生们的兴趣.这个标题实际上出自《圣经》箴言第七章，原句是“Asamanthinkethinhisheart，soheis.”教师可以从《圣经》这个角度进行导入，学生基本都听说过《圣经》，但了解得不是很多，教师可以给学生们介绍《圣经》中伊甸园、诺亚方舟、出埃及记等著名的 故事 .另外，《圣经》不仅是__的经典，也是西方文学的源头，许多英美文学中的著名作品都与《圣经》有关.综合考察这些受《圣经》影响的文学作品，我们会发现，文学作品对圣经 典故 的运用非常灵活多样.就圣经典故的类型而言，就有语典、人典、事典、意象、结构模式、观念等诸多种类[4].霍桑的《红字》、梅尔维尔的《白鲸》、斯坦贝克的《愤怒的葡萄》和福克纳的《喧哗与骚动》等许多英美文学经典作品中的对白、典故和意象都源自《圣经》.通过从《圣经》角度进行导入，学生们可以了解《圣经》与文学作品之间千丝万缕的联系，并增加对英美文学和英语的学习兴趣.
2有助于学生了解西方文化
在阅读英美文学作品时，学生们可以从中了解更多的西方文化，在国际交流中可以避免不必要的文化冲突.《新视野大学英语》读写教程中出现了爱尔兰作家奥斯卡•王尔德、英国诗人威廉•华兹华斯、约翰•弥尔顿和美国作家大卫•梭罗，教师可以从他们的作品作为切入点进行导入，用这些作品帮助学生了解西方文化.教师也可从课文中出现的单词进行导入，《新视野大学英语》读写教程第三册第四单元中出现了colony这个单词，学生们看注释都知道它是“殖民地”的意思，教师可以从文学角度进行导入，欧洲的清教徒移民在北美先后建立十三块殖民地，美国文学深受清教主义的影响，清教主义对美国文学的影响就如儒家思想对中国文学的影响一样深远，历史学家巴斯认为，没有对美国清教思想的了解，就不可能理解美国社会[6].清教徒提倡的谦卑、诚实、勤奋、节俭以及在艰难环境下的乐观精神也对美国社会产生深远影响，清教主义奠定了美国民主并塑造了美国人民的性格，美国人的勤奋、节俭和乐观与清教主义是分不开的.同时，很多美国作家在创作中深受清教主义的影响，这些作家的作品文风简朴，语言清新、直接.所以，通过对清教主义的讲解，有助于学生从根源上了解美国人的性格，有助于对西方文化有更深层次的了解.
3有助于提高学生的人文素质
随着时代的发展，我国高等教育需要培养人文素质与科学素质相结合的人才，以促进学生的全面发展.如果学生只注重科学知识而忽视其人文素质的培养，将会成为一个只拥有知识而没有智慧的人.人文素质可以帮助学生形成正确的人生观、世界观和价值观，促进精神方面的修养.《新视野大学英语》读写教程第二册第七单元“LightenYourLoadandSaveYourLife”中出现了本•富兰克林，教师可以把富兰克林作为导入的对象.富兰克林不仅是政治家、科学家，还是著名的文学家，在他的《自传》中，富兰克林为自己规定了十三条需要培养的美德，包括节制、沉默寡言、生活秩序、决心、简朴、勤勉、诚恳、公正、适度、清洁、贞洁和谦虚等.这十三条美德对当今的大学生提高人文素质具有一定的积极作用，教师可以让学生以富兰克林为典范，在日常生活中以十三条美德要求自己.教师也可以让学生们对这些美德进行自由讨论，相互交流，并对目前社会中存在的不良现象进行评价，有助于提高学生的分析能力和社会责任感.所以，英美文学导入是新时期高等教育的重要组成部分，也是提高学生人文素质的重要手段.
我国高等院校，特别是理工科院校的非英语专业学生对英美文学知识了解得相对匮乏，同时大学英语教学的导入方法也比较单一.所以，教师在大学英语教学中利用英美文学知识进行导入，既可以解决课堂导入的单一问题，又可以增强学生的学习兴趣，增加学生对英美文学知识的了解，有助于他们了解西方文化并提高其人文素质，这符合我国高等教育培养全面人才的发展需要，满足21世纪对复合型人才的需求.
参考文献
1、英美电影文学的多媒体教学模式周震,丁文英外语电化教学2002-02-2026
2、独白与交往,何去何从?——浅论英美文学课程的教学吕洪灵;外语与外语教学2006-08-0126
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