毕业论文翻译的英语原文

翻译是在准确、通顺的基础上，把一种语言信息转变成另一种语言信息的行为。下文是我为大家整理的关于毕业论文英语翻译的范文，欢迎大家阅读参考!

谈英文化妆品的翻译

摘 要: 名称的翻译对于化妆品至关重要。本文旨在寻找一个汉译英文化妆品名称的好方法。作者首先介绍了翻译对品牌的重要性,接着对语言和文化关系进行了讨论,然后介绍了中英翻译的四种方法,最后进行了总结。为达到最好的翻译效果,译者应在不同的情况下使用不同的翻译方法。

关键词: 翻译 品牌 化妆品

品牌是由制造商或商品经营者确定的产品徽标。一个良好的品牌翻译将提升该产品的价值,它会吸引公众的眼球,激发他们的购买热情,甚至会影响一个企业的发展。为了迎合消费者,在新的市场,品牌名称应翻译得当。

根据奈达的等价翻译原理,对于真正成功的翻译而言,熟悉两种文化比掌握两种语言更重要(杨朝燕,2001:45)。广告业的大师黄�先生也曾说过:“作为业内人士,我们的工作是要富有创造性的翻译。”(周兆祥,2000:55)因此,在翻译品牌名称时,译者不仅要知道英文单词的字面意思,而且要理解它的文化内涵。这样翻译时才能够正确理解英文品牌的含义,解决文化冲突,吸引消费者。我以外国品牌化妆品为例,讨论翻译的方法。

1.影响英文化妆品品牌翻译的因素

品牌与文化就像是两个彼此密切相关的亲密朋友,哪里有文化,哪里就会有品牌。品牌实际上是一座搭在两个不同的国家之间连接两种不同文化的桥梁。一般来说,文化包括社会意识形态、审美标准、价值观、认知等。随着全球化的发展,国际贸易市场的不断扩大,越来越多的外国化妆品已敲开了中国市场的大门,品牌的翻译变得非常重要。

社会意识形态和价值观念对品牌的翻译起着重要的作用。社会意识形态会限制品牌的文化内涵。虽然全球化程度越来越高,但西方和中国仍然存在着一些分歧。例如,在西方,人们更加注重个人主义。他们更喜欢使用人名、地名或《圣经》中的词汇来命名一个品牌。但在中国,社会意识形态和价值观念不同于西方国家的,人们更加重视集体主义。

价值观是指一个人对周围的客观事物的意义、重要性的总评价和总看法。价值给予品牌独特的文化内涵。在古代,中国基本上是一个农业国,寻求统一的概念,而西方则充斥着价值膨胀和冒险精神。举个例子:“安娜苏”,这个是一个国外化妆品品牌,也是它创始人的名字。这就是一个对个人主义价值观很好的解释。

认知是指人认识外界事物的过程。审美标准是指衡量、评价对象审美价值的相对固定的尺度。为了刺激消费者的购买欲望的产品,译者必须认真翻译品牌,才能使翻译的化妆品满足不同消费者不同的认知和审美心理。例如,大多数人可能听说过著名的香水“Poison”,这个是迪奥公司在1985年专门为西部妇女设计生产的,以满足她们对神秘事物的好奇和对冒险精神的追求。该产品在西方市场销量极好,“神秘和令人难忘的”是西方女性消费者对该产品的共同感受。但是在东方,女性往往更温柔、安静,它被翻译成“百爱神”而不是“毒药”,说明译者选择了适应其民族特点和文化价值的语言。总之,在翻译前译者应该先了解中国和西方国家之间的文化差异,以便在全球市场上更好地翻译。

2.翻译方法

品牌名称的翻译是一个转换和再造的过程。追求同等价值的信息是成功翻译的关键因素。

音译

音译是指根据其目的语发音用近似发音的汉字进行翻译。以“Maybelline”为例,中国将它翻译成“美宝莲”。每一个字都有特别的含义,“美”是指它将会让使用它的女性变得美丽动人;而“莲”是指莲花,表明这个美容效果会使消费者像一个美丽的莲花自然清爽。这些都表明它的功能是让消费者比以前更漂亮。

“Clean&Clear”也是一个很好的例子。如果该品牌被翻译成“干净清透”,它就会失去翻译之美。该品牌被翻译成“可伶可俐”,与品牌原名一样使用了头韵的修辞手法,也有一个类似的原始发音。同时人们将永远清楚这个品牌的目标消费者是可爱的年轻女孩。

“Dove”的本义是鸽子,在国外这是一个温柔和可爱的象征。但在中国,鸽子只是一种鸟类。作为皮肤美容品,如果翻译为“鸽子”,很难被公众接受。因此,在中国它被翻译成“多芬”,意味着更多的芬芳。

还有更多的例子:“EsteeLauder”被翻译成“雅诗兰黛”,“SISTEIN”翻译是翻译成“希斯汀”,“Elizabeth Arden”被翻译成“伊丽莎白・雅顿”等。

意译

意译是指根据原品牌的内涵来翻译,有利于消费者记住该品牌。相比较音译,意译更加尊重不同国家的文化和美学价值。例如,化妆品“BIOCEAN”被翻译成“碧欧泉”。“BIO”是指“生物”,“OCEAN”的意思是“大海”,将海洋生命之美延伸至自然之美,但如果使用音译,将会翻译成“比奥希昂”,显得烦琐和不雅,而“碧欧泉”则避免了这些缺陷。

“Uriage”是一个化妆品的名称,也是阿尔卑斯山中一个温泉的名字,那里的温泉专门用于治疗皮肤问题。作为一个化妆品品牌,“依泉”是一个好的翻译。翻译品牌的同时也展示了该品牌的组成成分和产品功用。

创造性翻译

创造性翻译认为音译和意译都有一部分缺陷,为了达到音、义的完美结合,译者创建另一个单词或词组来充分展示产品的功能。让我们以“Plantesystem”为例。这个品牌是由法国最大的医疗化妆品厂生产的。它的中文意思是“植物系统”。但译者翻译成“欧萃碧”。这种转换不仅使消费者感觉良好,而且强调这是一个来自欧洲以植物为原料的化妆品。

不译

不译即不进行翻译,只是使用原来的名称。根据中华人民共和国商标法,汉字、少数民族语言、外来词和字母可以作为商标注册。随着中国市场的迅速扩展,越来越多的外国化妆品厂商在中国直接注册商标品牌。这样既可以节省翻译费用,又确保了该品牌的异国情调。“VOV”、“HR”、“DHC”这些都是典型的例子。

3.结语

由于社会意识形态、价值观念、认知在中国和西方的审美标准的差异,翻译必须尊重不同的文化背景,并保留其民族特色和品牌的魅力,使原来的语言承担所有的信息和功能。一个成功的品牌翻译,能给消费者深刻印象,而失败的翻译,会令消费者失去兴趣。为了更好地表明外国化妆品的魅力,译者应该寻求最佳的方式来翻译品牌。如果我们将市场比喻成一场战争,成功的品牌名称就像一面旗帜永不落。如果一家公司想打开国外市场,就必须打动消费者。因此,品牌名称的翻译是非常重要的。

参考文献:

[1]包惠南.文化语境与语言翻译[M].北京:中国对外翻译出版公司,2001.

[2]冯庆华.实用翻译教程[M].上海:上海外语教育出版社,2002.

[3]杨朝燕.跨文化广告传播与商标翻译[J].山东师大外国语学院学报,2001,(4).

[4]周兆祥.翻译与人生[M].中国对外翻译出版公司,2000.

浅析英汉语言文化差异及其翻译

【摘要】把汉语译成英语或把英语译成汉语是一种语言活动，它既涉及汉英两种语言本身的知识，也涉及多方面的文化背景知识。这就需要译者对汉英两种语言的特点、差异及各方面的文化知识有较全面的了解，在充分理解的基础上才能表达完整，翻译出的作品才会忠实于原作。

【关键词】汉语;英语;文化差异;理解与翻译

英语和汉语是两种完全不同的语言，其思维方式和表达习惯可以说是千差万别，不了解这些差别，翻译出的作品肯定会洋相百出、词不达意。因此，要想处理好翻译过程中的难题，关键是要了解汉语与英语的区异。一般来说，所涉及到的汉英语言差异主要表现在以下几个方面：

一、英语语法结构严谨，汉语遣词造句形式灵活

我国著名语言学家王力先生曾经说过：“就句子的结构而言，西洋语言是法治的，中国语言是人治的。”汉语和英语的习惯用法不同。汉语中某一说法本来是很清楚的，谁也不会误解，但如果生搬硬套，逐字译成英语，就很可能词不达意，甚至还会引起误解，闹出笑话，或铸成大错。为了避免这种情况发生，就必须在译文中增补适当的词，把原文中暗含的意思明确地表达出来。例如：

原文：好好学习，天天向上。

如果想当然地翻译成：“Good good study, day day up.”就要贻笑大方了，因为“好好学习，天天向上”是典型的中文表达，直接翻译成英文不符合英文语法。正确的翻译应该是：Work hard and make progress everyday.

另外，汉语中的典故、谚语等，汉语读者熟悉，一看就明白，但是英语读者就不见得能懂，因此翻译时就得适当地添加一些注释性的词语。例如：

“班门弄斧”可译成 This is like showing off one’s proficiency with the axe before Lu Ban，the master carpenter。

在这个例子中，如果不在译文中加上the master carpenter而只译作Lu Ban, 不知道典故的外国读者就会感到茫然，不知道Lu Ban是何许人，因而也就无法理解本句子内在含义。

二、英语句子如参天大树枝叶横生，汉语句子似万顷碧波层层推进

由于英语是“法治”的语言，只要结构上没有出现错误，许多意思往往可以放在一个长句中表达;汉语则正好相反，由于是“人治”，语义通过字词直接表达，不同的意思往往通过不同的短句表达出来。例如：

原文：In the doorway lay at least twelve umbrellas of all sizes and colors.

译文：门口放着一堆雨伞，少说有十二把，五颜六色，大小不一。

如果把这个句子译成“门口放着至少有十二把五颜六色大小不一的雨伞”，译文一听就是翻译腔调，语言色彩大打折扣。

英语句子不仅可以在简单句中使用很长的修饰语使句子变长，同时也可以用从句使句子变复杂。例如：

原文：Can you answer a question which I want to ask and which is puzzling me for a long time?

译文：有一个问题困扰我好长时间了，想请教你，你能回答吗?

汉语用三个分句表达原文的意思，显然效果很好，如果译成：你能回答一个长时间困扰着我使我想问你的问题吗?不仅效果不好，而且显得绕嘴。

三、英语中被动式居多，汉语中主动式居多

我们知道，在汉语中被动式使用较少，我们叙述一种行为的时候常采用主动式。而英语则不然，大量的及物动词可以用被动式，不少相当于及物动词的短语也可以用被动式。例如：

(1)English is spoken here. 这儿讲英语。

(2)It is hoped that you will have a chance to visit China. 欢迎你有机会来中国访问。

汉语的被动句子，从结构上来说大体可分为两大类：一类带有表达被动意义的标记，如“被”、“受”、“遭”、“给”、“挨”等;另一类则不带这种标记。普通而常见的是后一类。但不论哪一类，译成英语时基本上都可运用被动语态。例如：

(1)他被选为学生会主席。He was elected Chairman of the Students’Union.

(2)这个问题正在研究。The problem is now bEing studied.

但必须注意的是，并不是所有带被动标记的句子都一定要译成英语的被动式。比如“老太太被风吹病了”，若译成“The old lady was blown sick by the wind” 就成了中国式的英语了，而只有译成“The old lady fell ill because of the draught.”才符合英语表达习惯。

四、思维习惯差异

不同文化的人，生活习惯和思维方式都有很多不同，翻译时也必须作等值意义转换。如：英语民族的人见面时喜欢谈天气，说“Lovely weather，isn’tit”之类的话，根据英美人的习惯，这无非是一句最方便、最不得罪人的见面语。而在我国, 自古就“民以食为天”,人们见面时爱说“吃了吗?”在多数情况下，说话人并不十分关心别人是不是吃饭了，而只是一种招呼罢了。中国人听到这些问话也只是回答说“吃了”或“没吃呐”，实际上是个应酬。这样的对话如果译成英文只说“A：How do you do? B：How do you do?”或“A：Hi! B：Hi!” 就行了。如果将A的问话改译成“Have you had you meal?”如果被问者B是英语民族的人，他心理上首先的反应是：“Yes, I have.”或 “No, l haven't”或“Do you mean to invite me to dinner?”由于这种文化上的差异，汉语中许多围绕“吃饭”问题所形成的词语，在英语中就很难找到字面对应的表达法，对于“饭桶”、“吃不开”、“吃不了兜着走”等这一系列说法只好分别意译为“good- for-nothing”，“be unpopular”，“land oneself in serious trouble”，等才能基本如实传达原文的含义。

五、物指联想差异

同一客观事物，在不同的文化里可能包含不同的价值，引起不同的联想，具有不同的内涵。动物比喻(Animal Metaphors)在汉英两种语言中均有广泛的使用。然而，由于文化背景、思维方式的不同，人们对动物比喻的正确理解和翻译存有障碍。从翻译的角度总体说来，动物比喻可以分为两大类，一类是：译语与原语存在对应的关系，翻译时可采用同值、近值互借法，以再现原语形象。例如：

(1)He is as sly as a fox. 他狡猾得像个狐狸。

(2)A wolf in sheep’s clothing 披着羊皮的狼

另一类是：同一动物形象在原语和译语中的语用意义相去甚远。因此，在翻译过程中就出现了动物形象名称的转换。这种动物形象的转换可以是一种动物形象转换为另一种动物形象, 也可以是一种动物形象转换成人的形象，例如：

(1)Talk horse.吹牛。(horse译为“牛”)

(2)Black sheep.害群之马。(sheep译为“马”)

(3)Every dog has his day. 凡人皆有得意日。(dog 译成“人”)

翻译过程中出现的这种动物形象的喻体转换丰富了动物成语的内涵，同时，它作为一种重要的修辞手法，创造出生动、鲜明的形象，能产生良好的艺术效果。

为使译文读者得到和原文读者基本相同的文化信息，在翻译中遇到两种文化差异特别大时，用直译无法使译文传达信息，译者就要在充分理解原文的基础上在译文文化中寻找对应的表达方式，做出各种必要的转换，进行意译。

【参考文献】

[1]张道真2002《张道真英语语法》商务印书馆

[2]范仲英 1994 《实用翻译教程》外语教学与研究出版社

[3]喻家楼 1991 《汉语成语英译词典》中国科学技术大学出版社

毕业论文是Graduation thesis 若要在论文里指论文就可以直接说thesis或者paper

Thesis For Graduation毕业论文Thesis For Academic Degree学位论文Thesis表示比较严肃的文章，是带有一定目的的，研究性的文章。学位论文，研究报告。

“毕业论文”用英文是dissertation dissertation[ˌdɪsəˈteɪʃn]n. 专题论文，学位论文；学术演讲 毕业论文； 博士论文； 论文； 学位论文 例句： was involved in writing his doctoral dissertation. 他在聚精会神地写他的博士论文.2. I have not yet footnoted my dissertation. 我还没有给我的论文加上脚注.3. I'm working my notes up into a dissertation. 我正在把我的笔记修改成论文.

“论文”一词的英文表达很多，通常因场合、用处不同而有不同的表达，下面罗列了几种，请楼主斟酌一下那一种是适合自己。*dissertation（博士学位）论文，（专题）论文，学术演讲：长而正式的论文，尤指大学里由博士学位攻读者所写的论文；学位论*disquisition专题论文；专题演讲，专题讨论：关于一个论题的正式讨论，常为书面形式*thesis命题论文：尤指出于获得学位的研究需要而改进原来观点以作为研究成果的论文*discourse（学术）讨论，研讨用的论文*paper作业形式的，为达到某一目的或效果（如学位）而写的

把重复率非常高的段落，用在线翻译，翻译成小语种，比如法语、俄语、西班牙语等等，然后再翻译回来，你会发现，整句话会给人耳目一新的感觉！北京译顶科技做的不错，可以联系他们一下你可以统一去知道了解下

Sino-Japan Trade Relations The bilateral trade between China and Japan amounted to US$236 billion in 2007, reflecting an increase of percent compared with the previous year, 33 times over the trade volume at the beginning of the reform and opening up. This vast volume and fast growth took place amid China’s accession into the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001 and increased trade disputes between the two countries, not to mention recurrent foreign exchange rate fluctuations in international currency markets and somehow intensified fears in Japan of China’s enhanced competitiveness. Given this background, it is of interest to speculate on what future prospects will be for the two neighbors’ economic relations, and in particular, what has been special in their bilateral economic relations as well as what challenges lie ahead for them. I. Characteristics of Sino-Japanese Trade Bilateral diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and Japan were normalized in 1972, shortly after the United States President Richard Nixon visited Beijing but well before the normalization of relations in 1979. During the year immediately prior to Sino-Japanese diplomatic normalization, the two countries’ bilateral trade stood at about 900 million dollars, approximately 4 percent of China’s total external trade at the time. Normalization was quickly followed by a sharp rise in China’s imports of Japanese goods, first mainly of textile goods and various machinery tools, and later of household electronics, cars and light trucks, etc. Sino-Japanese relations made considerable progress in the 1980s. Only a few years after China’s reform and opening in 1978, Japanese brands of TV sets and cars flooded into Chinese markets, and ordinary Chinese consumers began to taste the products of western materialism. Surges in Chinese imports of Japanese goods, through various means and channels of trade, led China to accumulate serious trade deficits and to draw on her official foreign exchange reserves. This ultimately resulted in substantial Chinese currency devaluations throughout the 1980s. The growth of China’s external trade dipped in 1989-1990 perhaps mainly due to various non-economic reasons, but the bilateral trade with Japan continued to expand at a steady rate. In 1993 Japan surpassed Hong Kong to become Chinese Mainland’s largest trade partner, by official Chinese statistics, and it has remained so ever since. Overall, between 1990 and 2002, the growth of bilateral trade between China and Japan in dollar terms averaged percent per annum, exceeding that of China’s total external trade over the same period (15 percent). From 2000 to 2007, annual foreign trade volume increased by 16 percent. The fact that the growth in bilateral trade between China and Japan since the early 1990s has been rapid and more or less steady (except briefly for 1997-98), appears somehow unusual or even puzzling. First, during many of the years of the period, the Japanese economy and Japan’s overall external trade had slowed down significantly compared to the 1980s. Second, as the Asian financial crisis hit many of the economies and their intraregional trade hard, bilateral trade between China and Japan suffered only a slight setback, if any, during the turbulent two years of 1997-98. Third, when the Japanese yen witnessed significant depreciations vis-à-vis the US dollar whilst Chinese Yuan continued steady peg to the US dollar during 1998 and 2000, China’s Japanese imports/exports seemed not to have been reactive to the changes in the foreign exchange rates. In the case of 1998, China’s exports to Japan did decrease by a moderate amount (a 7 percent fall), which was nonetheless proportionally smaller than the overall falling level in Japan’s imports (an percent fall). In the case of 2000, China’s exports to Japan actually increased by a large amount, unscathed by any unfavorable moves in the currency markets. However, as long as the further appreciation of Chinese Yuan to US dollar, the pressure on exporting industry in China becomes more serious than ever before. These “unusuals” seem to suggest that there have been fundamental, structural driving forces behind the growth in the bilateral trade between China and Japan. Had Sino-Japanese economic relations been similar to other ordinary bilateral economic relations, a rather slower growth in the bilateral trade could have been expected instead. Moreover, even if (from a Chinese point of view) China’s economy and trade have achieved a high growth record, it remains to be wondered why China’s trade with Japan grew faster than her trade with the entire outside world since the early 1990s. II. The Sino-Japanese “Special Relationship” Right now, China has surpassed . to be the largest trade partner to Japan, and Japan means the third largest trade partner to China as well. At mean time, Japan is the largest importing origin country and the fourth largest exporting market of China. It should be kept in mind as always that both at the beginning of our reform and opening and presently after three decades of development, China was and still is in a catching-up process in relation to the developed world where Japan has long belonged. Over this period, both China and Japan have undergone a number of fundamental economic structural changes, and these have affected their trade and economic relations. What will be of interest to us here are the common or enduring factors that have been effective within the dynamics of interaction between demand and supply on each side of the two countries’ economic relations. We will look first at China’s demand for Japanese products and then at Japan’s demand for Chinese products. With a growing economy and an increasingly diversified trade partnership network throughout the 1990s, China’s demand for Japanese products had gradually moved into relatively high quality consumer goods and internationally price-competitive industrial goods. It is well-known that a breed of new domestic Chinese producers of electronics has emerged and has expanded their share in China’s domestic markets, resulting in a fall in the market shares that used to be enjoyed by certain Japanese brands. Yet Japanese manufacturers as a whole have been successful in investing in Research and Development, moving on to upscale markets, thus maintaining their competitiveness in the world manufacturing market as well as in China’s domestic market. On the other hand, the role of Japanese direct investment in China and Japan’s financial aid to China in promoting bilateral trade should also be noted. Throughout the 1990s Japan’s direct investment had been virtually invariably more than 10 percent of China’s FDI inflow in annual terms, though there had been some marked falls between 1997 and 2000. Moreover, Japanese direct investment in China has been relatively concentrated in manufacturing, which is believed to have a stronger effect in generating trade linkages between the two countries than otherwise. Japan had been investing in China during the early 1990s, and trade decreased during the late 1990s, but resurged at the millennium. The resurgence might have been because of the prospect of China becoming a part of the World Trade Organization (WTO). “By 2001 China’s international trade was the sixth-largest in the world” and over the next several years it is expected to be just under Japan, the fourth largest. Up to December, 2007, the real invest from Japan to China accumulated to US$ billion. Japan turns to the second largest investing origins to China. Japan’s financial aid to China (first begun with the diplomatic normalization in the 1970s), mainly through government-to-government channels, has totaled some US$20 billion in the form of lending on favorable terms, together with some additional US$2 billion mainly in the form of technical assistance. Japan is the largest provider of financial aid to China. The role of this financial aid has been significantly positive and multifaceted in China’s development process, and it has certainly helped the growth of bilateral trade. Since 1995 Japan has been taking a very proactive role in using WTO law to challenge its dominant trade partners, the United States. But its emphasis on a rule-based approach is not only relegated to the United States. In fact, it promises also to spill over into trade disputes with key partners in Asia where, for historical, reasons Japan has had trouble taking confrontational stances. This is particularly true for the case for China, which is widely perceived as the rising economic power that poses a direct challenge to Japan across a number of critical and sensitive economic issues. This paper focuses specifically on the interplay between WTO law and politics as Japan seeks to deal with China across a number of trade issues and trade relations boast great growth potential and the two sides should make more efforts to push economic cooperation in more and Japan have made much headway in terms of bilateral trade in the past 30 years, when their bilateral trade volume expanded, with more types of goods traded, and they have played an increasingly important role in each other's trade is China's third largest trade partner and the fourth largest export destination while China replaced the US in July to become the No 1 export destination of Japan. The volume of bilateral trade jumped to $236 billion last year from a meager $ billion in 1978, a 48-fold increase. During this time, China had a trade deficit with Japan for most of the , Sino-Japanese trade growth still lags behind that of China's overall trade. In 1978, Sino-Japanese trade accounted for percent of China's total trade while last year it had shrunk to less than 11 percent. Unwelcome as it is, it also shows that bilateral trade still has great potential to expand has supported China's economic development through yen loans and grants. By the end of last year, Japan had committed to a total of $30 billion to China for financing 255 $ billion has been earmarked in grants to help China's social causes, such as education and poverty Chinese President Hu Jintao said in a speech during his visit to the Waseda University in May: "The Japanese government has played a positive role in China's modernization drive by making Japanese yen loans in support of China's infrastructure construction, environmental protection, energy development and scientific and technological advancement."Japan also benefits from its yen loans for China. Through the yen loans, it can ensure imports of Chinese resources, provide more opportunities for its enterprises to export to and invest in the Chinese market. Japanese enterprises, for example, have had much more investment in such places as the Yangtze River Delta, the Pearl River Delta and areas surrounding Bohai Sea. They used to invest mainly in Dalian, Liaoning Sino-Japan economic cooperation deepens, the market has replaced government as the major driving force for bilateral trade and investment growth. The yen loans have been earmarked for projects in more fields, such as environment since 1996, and Chinese enterprises have expanded investment in Japan, with some listed in the Japanese stock those achievements, the two countries need to strengthen cooperation in sectors of mutual concern, such as energy saving and environment. Japanese enterprises are not very active in technological transfers owing to IPR concerns. They have transferred mainly low-end technologies to the Chinese government is enhancing IPR protection, it is advisable for Japanese enterprises to enter China to have the "first-mover" advantage in future cooperation. Meanwhile, the prices of technological transfers are often too high for Chinese firms to afford, which is also a hurdle for technology trade between the two two sides should also enhance cooperation between Japanese small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and Chinese businesses through such moves as establishing a "Japan SME Park". The China Association of International Trade is now setting up a system to help products of Japanese SMEs to enter the Chinese is of interest to speculate on what future prospects will be for the two neighbors’ economic relations, and in particular, what has been special in their bilateral economic relations as well as what challenges lie ahead for them. Had Sino-Japanese economic relations been similar to other ordinary bilateral economic relations, a rather slower growth in the bilateral trade could have been expected instead. Moreover, even if (from a Chinese point of view) China’s economy and trade have achieved a high growth record, it remains to be wondered why China’s trade with Japan grew faster than her trade with the entire outside world since the early 1990s.这是我以前写论文时候找的材料，你按照题目找找吧，希望能有点用