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这几个都很好用免费下载国外工作论文的地方： 美国经济研究局，免费工作论文下载 著名的IDEAS 世界银行网站上也提供工作论文下载 国际货币基金组织，大量的工作论文。 社会科学研究类，当然也包括经济学论文。SSRN中国知网(cnki) 也有很多的有最新经济数据的网站 中国经济信息网 这个是美国商务部的统计数据网站 另外几个网站也可能找到你想要的 美国普查局 美国劳工部 国内有个淘金网汇集了国际发达国家主要宏观经济数据不错的 各国CPI和GDP的数据在世界银行（World Bank）的数据库里有，FX的数据在国际清算银行（BIS）的数据库里有。
国贸方向
我告诉你免费下载国外工作论文的地方： 美国经济研究局，大家的免费工作论文下载 这个不介绍了，研究经济学的人都知道IDEAS的。 世界银行网站上也提供工作论文下载 这个是国际货币基金组织，大量的工作论文。 这个也不介绍了，社会科学研究类，当然也包括经济学论文。SSRN如果你觉得好，要感谢我哦。。有加分更好。。哈哈还有一点，这是我辛辛苦苦收集来的，表告诉别人哦。。。呵呵
google scholar （谷歌学术）可以找到你键入的任何你感兴趣的课题、撰稿人在各个年份的不同文章。
回复3#学长在图书馆网站下载过类似的文献么我看外文网站好像都是理工科的资料
INTO THE STORMFOR much of the past year the fast-growing economies of the emerging world watched the Western financial hurricane from afar. Their own banks held few of the mortgage-based assets that undid the rich world’s financial firms. Commodity exporters were thriving, thanks to high prices for raw materials. China’s economic juggernaut powered on. And, from Budapest to Brasília, an abundance of credit fuelled domestic demand. Even as talk mounted of the rich world suffering its worst financial collapse since the Depression, emerging economies seemed a long way from the centre of the storm.过去一年的大部分时间里，高速发展的新兴国家一直在远处观望着西方国家的金融风暴。他们的银行仅持有少量抵押资产，而类似的资产已经破坏了发达国家的金融公司。商品出口商因为原材料的高价格而日渐富有。中国不可抗拒的经济力量已然开启，而且信贷刺激的内需从布达佩斯到巴西利亚都表现得非常充足。尽管大萧条后关于西方国家受难于金融崩塌的话题与日俱增，但新兴国家似乎距离金融风暴的中心还有一段距离。No longer. As foreign capital has fled and confidence evaporated, the emerging world’s stockmarkets have plunged (in some cases losing half their value) and currencies tumbled. The seizure in the credit market caused havoc, as foreign banks abruptly stopped lending and stepped back from even the most basic banking services, including trade credits.不过目前的情况不再是那样了，随着境外资本的流失和经济信心的消失，新兴国家股市暴跌（有些地区已经腰斩），本币迅速贬值。由于外国银行突然中断贷款，并且收缩了包括贸易信贷在内的基础银行服务，新兴国家的信贷市场突发混乱，并引发了一场浩劫。Like their rich-world counterparts, governments are battling to limit the damage (see article). That is easiest for those with large foreign-exchange reserves. Russia is spending $220 billion to shore up its financial services industry. South Korea has guaranteed $100 billion of its banks’ debt. Less well-endowed countries are asking for help. Hungary has secured a EURO5 billion ($ billion) lifeline from the European Central Bank and is negotiating a loan from the IMF, as is Ukraine. Close to a dozen countries are talking to the fund about financial help.新兴国家的政府和发达国家的政府一样都在为控制损失程度而奋斗。不过对于外汇储备充足的国家来说难度会小一些：俄罗斯斥资2200亿美元重振金融服务行业；韩国政府担保了1000亿美元的银行债务。而那些储备并不充足的国家正在四处求援：匈牙利成功向欧洲央行求得了50亿欧元（约66亿美元）的生命线，同时也在同国际货币基金组织协商借款事宜，同时向国际货币基金组织求援的还有乌克兰。近一打儿的国家在向基金组织求助。Those with long-standing problems are being driven to desperate measures. Argentina is nationalising its private pension funds, seemingly to stave off default (see article). But even stalwarts are looking weaker. Figures released this week showed that China’s growth slowed to 9% in the year to the third quarter-still a rapid pace but a lot slower than the double-digit rates of recent years.有持续问题的国家正棋行险招：阿根廷正在将私人养老金国有化，意图阻止违约的发生。即使强有力的国家也表现出虚弱一面：本周公布的数字表明今年中国的增长率在第三季度减缓为9%，虽然增速还算快，但是与近些年的两位数增率相比缓慢了不少。Blowing cold on credit对信贷没兴趣The various emerging economies are in different states of readiness, but the cumulative impact of all this will be enormous. Most obviously, how these countries fare will determine whether the world economy faces a mild recession or something nastier. Emerging economies accounted for around three-quarters of global growth over the past 18 months. But their economic fate will also have political consequences.众多新兴经济的意愿并不相同，但是累计在一起的影响力却非同一般。最明显的就是这些国家的表现将会决定世界经济所面临的是一个较为缓和的衰退还是更可怕的情况。在过去18个月的全球经济增长中，新兴经济贡献了75%。但是他们的经济命运也会有一些政治后果。In many places-eastern Europe is one example (see article)-financial turmoil is hitting weak governments. But even strong regimes could suffer. Some experts think that China needs growth of 7% a year to contain social unrest. More generally, the coming strife will shape the debate about the integration of the world economy. Unlike many previous emerging-market crises, today’s mess spread from the rich world, largely thanks to increasingly integrated capital markets. If emerging economies collapse-either into a currency crisis or a sharp recession-there will be yet more questioning of the wisdom of globalised finance.在类似东欧的很多地区，金融混乱目前的打击目标是软弱的政府；但强硬的政权同样会尝到苦果。一些专家认为中国每年需要7%的增长率来阻止社会动荡的发生。总体来说，如此争端必将影响全球经济一体化的讨论。与以往数次新兴经济危机不同，这次的混乱始于发达国家，很大程度上要归咎于一体化的资本市场。一旦新兴经济崩溃，无论是货币危机还是剧烈的经济萧条，大家对于金融全球化是否属明智之举会有更多的质疑。Fortunately, the picture is not universally dire. All emerging economies will slow. Some will surely face deep recessions. But many are facing the present danger in stronger shape than ever before, armed with large reserves, flexible currencies and strong budgets. Good policy-both at home and in the rich world-can yet avoid a catastrophe.幸运的是上述恐怖的场景没有发生在全球的每个角落：所有的新兴经济都会减缓发展速度，有一些也必将面临深度萧条；但是更多的国家在面临当下危机的时候却拥有比以往任何时候都强壮的形式，用充足的储备、弹性的货币和强大的预算武装自己。新兴国家及发达国家良好的政策可以避免大灾难的发生。One reason for hope is that the direct economic fallout from the rich world’s disaster is manageable. Falling demand in America and Europe hurts exports, particularly in Asia and Mexico. Commodity prices have fallen: oil is down nearly 60% from its peak and many crops and metals have done worse. That has a mixed effect. Although it hurts commodity-exporters from Russia to South America, it helps commodity importers in Asia and reduces inflation fears everywhere. Countries like Venezuela that have been run badly are vulnerable (see article), but given the scale of the past boom, the commodity bust so far seems unlikely to cause widespread crises.至少有一个原因值得抱有希望：发达国家此次灾难的直接经济影响还是在可控的范围内。欧美锐减的需求对出口来说无疑是一个打击，特别是对亚洲和墨西哥。商品价格走低：原油价格与巅峰时期比较已经下降了60%，很多粮食和金属类商品跌幅更大。这两个现象有混合效果：尽管从俄罗斯到南美的商品（能源）出口企业备受打击，但却帮助了亚洲的商品（能源）进口商，并且缓和了各地对通胀的恐惧。委内瑞拉的情形一直很糟糕，也很脆弱；不过由于过去极度的繁荣，商品价格下跌目前还不会引发大范围传播的危机。The more dangerous shock is financial. Wealth is being squeezed as asset prices decline. China’s house prices, for instance, have started falling (see article). This will dampen domestic confidence, even though consumers are much less indebted than they are in the rich world. Elsewhere, the sudden dearth of foreign-bank lending and the flight of hedge funds and other investors from bond markets has slammed the brakes on credit growth. And just as booming credit once underpinned strong domestic spending, so tighter credit will mean slower growth.比商品价格更令人震惊的事情发生在金融领域。由于资产价格的下降，财富水平正在被挤压缩水。以中国房价为例，目前已经开始下跌。尽管新兴国家的消费者比发达国家的负债水平低很多，上述情况还是会挫伤国内的经济信心。在其他方面，国外银行借款骤然匮乏、对冲基金以及其他投资者逃离债券市场，这些因素给信贷增长踩了一脚急刹车。正如发达的信贷曾经强力支撑国内支出那样，信贷紧缩将意味着增长放缓。Again, the impact will differ by country. Thanks to huge current-account surpluses in China and the oil-exporters in the Gulf, emerging economies as a group still send capital to the rich world. But over 80 have deficits of more than 5% of GDP. Most of these are poor countries that live off foreign aid; but some larger ones rely on private capital. For the likes of Turkey and South Africa a sudden slowing in foreign financing would force a dramatic adjustment. A particular worry is eastern Europe, where many countries have double-digit deficits. In addition, even some countries with surpluses, such as Russia, have banks that have grown accustomed to easy foreign lending because of the integration of global finance. The rich world’s bank bail-outs may limit the squeeze, but the flow of capital to the emerging world will slow. The Institute of International Finance, a bankers’ group, expects a 30% decline in net flows of private capital from last year.需要再次重申的是，冲击的表现会因国家的不同而有所区别。多亏中国和海湾产油国经常项目下的巨额顺差，新型经济整体还不断的向发达国家输送资本。但是80 多个国家的财政赤字已经超过GDP的5%，其中的多数是那些依靠国外救助过活得贫困国家；不过也有一些依靠私人资本的大国。对于类似土耳其和南非的国家来说，突然减缓的境外融资迫使其进行大幅调整。东欧的情况特别令人担忧，那里的不少国家赤字水平已经达到了两位数。另外，象俄罗斯这样处于顺差的国家，其银行也逐渐适应了可以轻易从外国取得的贷款，原因自然是全球金融一体化。发达国家的救助计划也许可以限制财富被挤压的水平，但资本流向新兴世界的速度无疑会减慢。国际金融研协会预测私人资本的净流量比去年回减少30%。A wing and a prayer飞行之翼与祈祷者This credit crunch will be grim, but most emerging markets can avoid catastrophe. The biggest ones are in relatively good shape. The more vulnerable ones can (and should) be helped.信贷紧缩必将令人生畏，不过多数新兴市场可以躲过一劫，最大的市场形势还相当不错。比较脆弱的市场可以（也应该）得到帮助。Among the giants, China is in a league of its own, with a $2 trillion arsenal of reserves, a current-account surplus, little connection to foreign banks and a budget surplus that offers lots of room to boost spending. Since the country’s leaders have made clear that they will do whatever it takes to cushion growth, China’s economy is likely to slow-perhaps to 8%-but not collapse. Although that is not enough to save the world economy, such growth in China would put a floor under commodity prices and help other countries in the emerging world.在那些坚强的巨人中，中国卓然不群：手握2万亿美元的储备，经常项下的顺差状态，与国外银行罕有关联，过剩的预算给推动支出留有足够空间。鉴于国家领导人已经明确表示将不惜一切代价为经济增长减速缓冲，中国的经济增长应该会减缓到大约8%的水平，但是决不会崩溃。虽然这不足以挽救世界经济，但是该增长率将会为商品价格建底并帮到新兴世界的其他国家。The other large economies will be harder hit, but should be able to weather the storm. India has a big budget deficit and many Brazilian firms have a large foreign-currency exposure. But Brazil’s economy is diversified and both countries have plenty of reserves to smooth the shift to slower growth. With $550 billion of reserves, Russia ought to be able to stop a run on the rouble. In the short-term at least, the most vulnerable countries are all smaller ones.其他的经济大国会受到更大的冲击，不过应该可以禁受住风暴侵袭。印度的财政赤字巨大，巴西很多公司面临巨大的外汇风险。但巴西经济已经实现多样化，同时上述两个国家拥有充足的储备来平稳过渡到缓慢的增长。俄罗斯掌握着5500亿美元的储备，应该能够阻止对卢布的抢购。至少在短期内，小国家才是最弱不禁风的。There will be pain as tighter credit forces adjustments. But sensible, speedy international assistance would make a big difference. Several emerging countries have asked America’s Federal Reserve for liquidity support; some hope that China will bail them out. A better route is surely the IMF, which has huge expertise and some $250 billion to lend. Sadly, borrowing from the fund carries a stigma. That needs to change. The IMF should develop quicker, more flexible financial instruments and minimise the conditions it attaches to loans. Over the past month deft policymaking saw off calamity in the rich world. Now it is time for something similar in the emerging world.受到紧缩信贷压力进行的调整必然带来痛苦，但快速的国际援助是明智之举，因为这会让结果很不相同。一些新兴国家已经向美联储求援以缓解流动性问题；有一些则希望中国可以拯救他们与水火。更佳的求救路线莫过于国际货币基金组织，因为它掌握大量的专门知识和2500亿美元的可出借款项。不幸的是人们认为向基金借款有辱其名，国际货币基金组织应该推出更快捷、更灵活的金融工具，同时实现借贷条件最小化。过去数月中，机敏的决策驱散了发达国家的灾难。现在也正是新兴世界发生类似事情的时候了。
Microeconomics is a branch of economics that studies how individuals, households and firms make decisions to allocate limited resources,[1] typically in markets where goods or services are being bought and sold. Microeconomics examines how these decisions and behaviours affect the supply and demand for goods and services, which determines prices; and how prices, in turn, determine the supply and demand of goods and services.[2][3] Macroeconomics, on the other hand, involves the "sum total of economic activity, dealing with the issues of growth, inflation and unemployment, and with national economic policies relating to these issues"[2] and the effects of government actions (such as changing taxation levels) on them.[4] Particularly in the wake of the Lucas critique, much of modern macroeconomic theory has been built upon 'microfoundations' — . based upon basic assumptions about micro-level behaviour. One of the goals of microeconomics is to analyze market mechanisms that establish relative prices amongst goods and services and allocation of limited resources amongst many alternative uses. Microeconomics analyzes market failure, where markets fail to produce efficient results, as well as describing the theoretical conditions needed for perfect competition. Significant fields of study in microeconomics include general equilibrium, markets under asymmetric information, choice under uncertainty and economic applications of game theory. Also considered is the elasticity of products within the market system. Assumptions and definitions The theory of supply and demand usually assumes that markets are perfectly competitive. This implies that there are many buyers and sellers in the market and none of them have the capacity to significantly influence prices of goods and services. In many real-life transactions, the assumption fails because some individual buyers or sellers or groups of buyers or sellers do have the ability to influence prices. Quite often a sophisticated analysis is required to understand the demand-supply equation of a good. However, the theory works well in simple situations. Mainstream economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where so-called market failures lead to resource allocation that is suboptimal by some standard (highways are the classic example, profitable to all for use but not directly profitable for anyone to finance). In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that will avoid waste directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by creating "missing markets" to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action. It also must be noted that "optimal welfare" usually takes on a Paretian norm, which in its mathematical application of Kaldor-Hicks Method, does not stay consistent with the Utilitarian norm within the normative side of economics which studies collective action, namely public choice. Market failure in positive economics (microeconomics) is limited in implications without mixing the belief of the economist and his or her theory. The demand for various commodities by individuals is generally thought of as the outcome of a utility-maximizing process. The interpretation of this relationship between price and quantity demanded of a given good is that, given all the other goods and constraints, this set of choices is that one which makes the consumer happiest. [edit] Modes of operation It is assumed that all firms are following rational decision-making, and will produce at the profit-maximizing output. Given this assumption, there are four categories in which a firm's profit may be considered. A firm is said to be making an economic profit when its average total cost is less than the price of each additional product at the profit-maximizing output. The economic profit is equal to the quantity output multiplied by the difference between the average total cost and the price. A firm is said to be making a normal profit when its economic profit equals zero. This occurs where average total cost equals price at the profit-maximizing output. If the price is between average total cost and average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, then the firm is said to be in a loss-minimizing condition. The firm should still continue to produce, however, since its loss would be larger if it were to stop producing. By continuing production, the firm can offset its variable cost and at least part of its fixed cost, but by stopping completely it would lose the entirety of its fixed cost. If the price is below average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, the firm should go into shutdown. Losses are minimized by not producing at all, since any production would not generate returns significant enough to offset any fixed cost and part of the variable cost. By not producing, the firm loses only its fixed cost. By losing this fixed cost the company faces a challenge. It must either exit the market or remain in the market and risk a complete loss. [edit] Market failure Main article: Market failure In microeconomics, the term "market failure" does not mean that a given market has ceased functioning. Instead, a market failure is a situation in which a given market does not efficiently organize production or allocate goods and services to consumers. Economists normally apply the term to situations where the inefficiency is particularly dramatic, or when it is suggested that non-market institutions would provide a more desirable result. On the other hand, in a political context, stakeholders may use the term market failure to refer to situations where market forces do not serve the public interest. The four main types or causes of market failure are: Monopolies or other cases of abuse of market power where a "single buyer or seller can exert significant influence over prices or output". Abuse of market power can be reduced by using antitrust regulations.[5] Externalities, which occur in cases where the "market does not take into account the impact of an economic activity on outsiders." There are positive externalities and negative externalities.[5] Positive externalities occur in cases such as when a television program on family health improves the public's health. Negative externalities occur in cases such as when a company’s processes pollutes air or waterways. Negative externalities can be reduced by using government regulations, taxes, or subsidies, or by using property rights to force companies and individuals to take the impacts of their economic activity into account. Public goods are goods that have the characteristics that they are non-excludable and non-rivalous and include national defense[5] and public health initiatives such as draining mosquito-breeding marshes. For example, if draining mosquito-breeding marshes was left to the private market, far fewer marshes would probably be drained. To provide a good supply of public goods, nations typically use taxes that compel all residents to pay for these public goods (due to scarce knowledge of the positive externalities to third parties/social welfare); and Cases where there is asymmetric information or uncertainty (information inefficiency).[5] Information asymmetry occurs when one party to a transaction has more or better information than the other party. For example, used-car salespeople may know whether a used car has been used as a delivery vehicle or taxi, information that may not be available to buyers. Typically it is the seller that knows more about the product than the buyer, but this is not always the case. An example of a situation where the buyer may have better information than the seller would be an estate sale of a house, as required by a last will and testament. A real estate broker purchasing this house may have more information about the house than the family members of the deceased. This situation was first described by Kenneth J. Arrow in a seminal article on health care in 1963 entitled "Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care," in the American Economic Review. George Akerlof later used the term asymmetric information in his 1970 work The Market for Lemons. Akerlof noticed that, in such a market, the average value of the commodity tends to go down, even for those of perfectly good quality, because the buyer has no way of knowing whether the product they are buying will turn out to be a "lemon" (a defective product). [edit] Opportunity cost Main article: Opportunity cost Although opportunity cost can be hard to quantify, the effect of opportunity cost is universal and very real on the individual level. In fact, this principle applies to all decisions, not just economic ones. Since the work of the Austrian economist Friedrich von Wieser, opportunity cost has been seen as the foundation of the marginal theory of value. Opportunity cost is one way to measure the cost of something. Rather than merely identifying and adding the costs of a project, one may also identify the next best alternative way to spend the same amount of money. The forgone profit of this next best alternative is the opportunity cost of the original choice. A common example is a farmer that chooses to farm his land rather than rent it to neighbors, wherein the opportunity cost is the forgone profit from renting. In this case, the farmer may expect to generate more profit himself. Similarly, the opportunity cost of attending university is the lost wages a student could have earned in the workforce, rather than the cost of tuition, books, and other requisite items (whose sum makes up the total cost of attendance). The opportunity cost of a vacation in the Bahamas might be the down payment money for a house. Note that opportunity cost is not the sum of the available alternatives, but rather the benefit of the single, best alternative. Possible opportunity costs of the city's decision to build the hospital on its vacant land are the loss of the land for a sporting center, or the inability to use the land for a parking lot, or the money that could have been made from selling the land, or the loss of any of the various other possible uses—but not all of these in aggregate. The true opportunity cost would be the forgone profit of the most lucrative of those listed. One question that arises here is how to assess the benefit of dissimilar alternatives. We must determine a dollar value associated with each alternative to facilitate comparison and assess opportunity cost, which may be more or less difficult depending on the things we are trying to compare. For example, many decisions involve environmental impacts whose dollar value is difficult to assess because of scientific uncertainty. Valuing a human life or the economic impact of an Arctic oil spill involves making subjective choices with ethical implications.
这几个都很好用免费下载国外工作论文的地方： 美国经济研究局，免费工作论文下载 著名的IDEAS 世界银行网站上也提供工作论文下载 国际货币基金组织，大量的工作论文。 社会科学研究类，当然也包括经济学论文。SSRN中国知网(cnki) 也有很多的有最新经济数据的网站 中国经济信息网 这个是美国商务部的统计数据网站 另外几个网站也可能找到你想要的 美国普查局 美国劳工部 国内有个淘金网汇集了国际发达国家主要宏观经济数据不错的 各国CPI和GDP的数据在世界银行（World Bank）的数据库里有，FX的数据在国际清算银行（BIS）的数据库里有。
经济学专业参考文献（通用11篇）
按照字面的意思，参考文献是文章或著作等写作过程中参考过的文献。下面是我收集整理的经济学专业参考文献（通用11篇），欢迎大家分享。
1、唐国兴，计量经济学——理论、方法和模型，复旦大学出版社，1988。
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[9] 程国平，方苏立. 关于我国边际消费倾向的探讨[J]. 商业时代. 2007年26期
[10] 魏杰. 探求流动性过剩的化解之道[J]. 中国金融. 2007年17期
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[1] 林娟娟，王勋铭. 甘肃省进出口贸易与经济增长的协整分析[J]. 消费导刊. 2007年08期
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[5] 陈淑芸，尉浩，马江波，王青志. 天津市对外贸易与经济增长关系的实证分析[J]. 价格月刊. 2007年02期
[6] 张冰，金戈. 进口贸易与经济增长的研究综述[J]. 国际商务(对外经济贸易大学学报). 2007年02期
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[8] 张洪峰. 我国对外贸易对经济增长作用的实证分析[J]. 统计与咨询. 2006年05期
[9] 张玉明，聂艳华. 对外贸易对辽宁老工业基地振兴的牵动作用分析[J]. 大连理工大学学报(社会科学版). 2006年03期
[10] 杨海水，赵大平，范方志. 进、出口对我国经济增长作用的比较[J]. 统计与决策. 2006年12期
1.刘国光：关于我国宏观经济的几点看法，《经济学动态》，2001年06期
2.刘国光：我国宏观经济的几个问题，《中国经贸导刊》，2001年09期
3.刘国光：对我国当前宏观经济政策的几点看法，《中国经贸导刊》，2001年22期
4.赵世洪：理性预期与宏观经济政策，《经济学动态》，1996年第2期
5.谷书堂，刘占年：经济学在中国的发展与发展经济学研究，《经济学动态》，1995年第11期
6.谷书堂：宏观经济稳定发展与微观经济改革的关系，《经济学家》，1997年第5期
7.谷书堂：论中国转型期经济学，《天津社会科学》，2001年第1期
8.何国华、范卫清：新凯恩斯主义和宏观经济学的微观基础，《世界经济研究》，1995年第5期
9.吴承明：经济学理论与经济史研究，《经济研究》，1995年第4期
10.陈峥嵘：内生经济增长理论述评，《江海学刊》，1996年第6期
11.马颖：论新古典主义经济发展思路的假定前提，《经济评论》，1997年第3期
12.车卉淳：新凯恩斯主义理论述评，《北京商学院学报》2000年第4期
13.叶景聪：开放经济中宏观经济政策的有效性――固定与浮动汇率体系之比较，《财经论丛》2002年第5期
14.林毅夫：经济学研究方法与中国经济学科发展，《经济研究》，2001年第4期
15林毅夫,潮涌现象与发展中国家宏观经济理论的重新构建 《经济研究》
经济学论文参考文献大全
从小学、初中、高中到大学乃至工作，大家都写过论文吧，论文是探讨问题进行学术研究的一种手段。那么你知道一篇好的论文该怎么写吗？以下是我整理的经济学论文参考文献大全，欢迎阅读与收藏。
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[1]黄承明. 中小型商业银行对账管理系统功能架构剖析[J]. 中国管理信息化. 2011(01)
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据学术堂了解，国际经济学主要研究对象有国际贸易理论与政策、国际收支理论、汇率理论、要素的国际流动、国际投资理论、开放的宏观经济均衡等，下面分享十五个关于国际经济学论文的题目，供大家进行参考：1、电子商务经济学与国际贸易理论和政策研究2、东亚区域经济合作研究3、对话与合作：环境问题的国际政治经济学分析4、汉语国际推广：关于孔子学院的经济学分析与建议5、共赢性博弈论6、东亚经济一体化主导问题研究7、罗伯特?吉尔平的国际政治经济学理论研究8、国际政治经济学范式论9、外商直接投资与发展中国家利益的国际政治经济学分析10、国际海洋争端解决机制的经济学分析：一个“适当论”的视角11、日本海外资源战略的国际政治经济学分析12、IMF援助效果的国际政治经济学分析13、1997-1999国际金融危机传播的空间计量经济学分析14、国际私法法经济学分析评述15、美元霸权的国际政治经济学探析
1、 中小企业集群现象研究2、 论区域经济一体化和经济全球化的关系3、 广东实现区域经济协调发展的战略选择4、 发展经济学理论在西部大开发中的应用5、 产业政策与竞争政策的关系6、 市场经济条件下政府的功能定位7、 泛珠三角有关问题研究8、 高新技术型中小企业融资模式研究9、 中小企业发展与就业促进10、珠三角城镇化的现状、问题及对策11、企业集群与城镇化研究12、农业产业化和城镇化研究13、论我国经济增长与国民消费的演进14、影响我国城镇居民消费的因素及对策建议15、我国居民消费需求分析及预测16、广东城镇居民消费趋势预测与对策17、我国城镇居民的收入与消费结构变化研究18、科技进步对我国工业发展的贡献率分析19、经济增长点问题研究20、宏观经济学研究的新进展21、微观经济学的新发展22、政府宏观调控问题研究23、对公用事业规制的研究24、市场与政府的关系研究25、西方产业组织理论的形成和发展26、论经济增长方式27、论中国的经济增长28、可持续发展理论研究29、新经济与经济增长方式的转型30、美国宏观经济政策史研究31、新自由主义意识与经济全球化32、经济全球化与中国的经济发展33、制度与经济增长34、诺思的制度变迁理论研究35、虚拟经济研究36、我国的收入分配演变研究37、广东、香港、台湾三地经济发展状况对比38、广州支柱产业选择分析39、广东劳动力市场问题研究40、我国个人所得税制度分析41、国有企业的激励约束机制研究42、我国国有企业委托—代理机制研究43、我国商业银行不良资产形成原因及对策研究44、我国国有企业内部契约关系分析45、相对优势原则与我国经济的有效增长46、腐败的经济学分析47、国民精神素质与经济增长48、李斯特的经济发展思想及对我国的借鉴49、转轨时期的经济思想研究50、相关行业的经济学分析
全球化时代世界政治经济十大趋势俄罗斯经济转轨过程中的影子经济阿根廷货币局制度的崩溃及启示外资流入对俄罗斯经济转轨的影响内部人控制”与利益集团融入经济全球化与经济转轨的关系从经济实力和“软着陆”现状看世界经济多极化格局现代西方公债管理政策理论综述
Microeconomics is a branch of economics that studies how individuals, households and firms make decisions to allocate limited resources,[1] typically in markets where goods or services are being bought and sold. Microeconomics examines how these decisions and behaviours affect the supply and demand for goods and services, which determines prices; and how prices, in turn, determine the supply and demand of goods and services.[2][3] Macroeconomics, on the other hand, involves the "sum total of economic activity, dealing with the issues of growth, inflation and unemployment, and with national economic policies relating to these issues"[2] and the effects of government actions (such as changing taxation levels) on them.[4] Particularly in the wake of the Lucas critique, much of modern macroeconomic theory has been built upon 'microfoundations' — . based upon basic assumptions about micro-level behaviour. One of the goals of microeconomics is to analyze market mechanisms that establish relative prices amongst goods and services and allocation of limited resources amongst many alternative uses. Microeconomics analyzes market failure, where markets fail to produce efficient results, as well as describing the theoretical conditions needed for perfect competition. Significant fields of study in microeconomics include general equilibrium, markets under asymmetric information, choice under uncertainty and economic applications of game theory. Also considered is the elasticity of products within the market system. Assumptions and definitions The theory of supply and demand usually assumes that markets are perfectly competitive. This implies that there are many buyers and sellers in the market and none of them have the capacity to significantly influence prices of goods and services. In many real-life transactions, the assumption fails because some individual buyers or sellers or groups of buyers or sellers do have the ability to influence prices. Quite often a sophisticated analysis is required to understand the demand-supply equation of a good. However, the theory works well in simple situations. Mainstream economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where so-called market failures lead to resource allocation that is suboptimal by some standard (highways are the classic example, profitable to all for use but not directly profitable for anyone to finance). In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that will avoid waste directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by creating "missing markets" to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action. It also must be noted that "optimal welfare" usually takes on a Paretian norm, which in its mathematical application of Kaldor-Hicks Method, does not stay consistent with the Utilitarian norm within the normative side of economics which studies collective action, namely public choice. Market failure in positive economics (microeconomics) is limited in implications without mixing the belief of the economist and his or her theory. The demand for various commodities by individuals is generally thought of as the outcome of a utility-maximizing process. The interpretation of this relationship between price and quantity demanded of a given good is that, given all the other goods and constraints, this set of choices is that one which makes the consumer happiest. [edit] Modes of operation It is assumed that all firms are following rational decision-making, and will produce at the profit-maximizing output. Given this assumption, there are four categories in which a firm's profit may be considered. A firm is said to be making an economic profit when its average total cost is less than the price of each additional product at the profit-maximizing output. The economic profit is equal to the quantity output multiplied by the difference between the average total cost and the price. A firm is said to be making a normal profit when its economic profit equals zero. This occurs where average total cost equals price at the profit-maximizing output. If the price is between average total cost and average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, then the firm is said to be in a loss-minimizing condition. The firm should still continue to produce, however, since its loss would be larger if it were to stop producing. By continuing production, the firm can offset its variable cost and at least part of its fixed cost, but by stopping completely it would lose the entirety of its fixed cost. If the price is below average variable cost at the profit-maximizing output, the firm should go into shutdown. Losses are minimized by not producing at all, since any production would not generate returns significant enough to offset any fixed cost and part of the variable cost. By not producing, the firm loses only its fixed cost. By losing this fixed cost the company faces a challenge. It must either exit the market or remain in the market and risk a complete loss. [edit] Market failure Main article: Market failure In microeconomics, the term "market failure" does not mean that a given market has ceased functioning. Instead, a market failure is a situation in which a given market does not efficiently organize production or allocate goods and services to consumers. Economists normally apply the term to situations where the inefficiency is particularly dramatic, or when it is suggested that non-market institutions would provide a more desirable result. On the other hand, in a political context, stakeholders may use the term market failure to refer to situations where market forces do not serve the public interest. The four main types or causes of market failure are: Monopolies or other cases of abuse of market power where a "single buyer or seller can exert significant influence over prices or output". Abuse of market power can be reduced by using antitrust regulations.[5] Externalities, which occur in cases where the "market does not take into account the impact of an economic activity on outsiders." There are positive externalities and negative externalities.[5] Positive externalities occur in cases such as when a television program on family health improves the public's health. Negative externalities occur in cases such as when a company’s processes pollutes air or waterways. Negative externalities can be reduced by using government regulations, taxes, or subsidies, or by using property rights to force companies and individuals to take the impacts of their economic activity into account. Public goods are goods that have the characteristics that they are non-excludable and non-rivalous and include national defense[5] and public health initiatives such as draining mosquito-breeding marshes. For example, if draining mosquito-breeding marshes was left to the private market, far fewer marshes would probably be drained. To provide a good supply of public goods, nations typically use taxes that compel all residents to pay for these public goods (due to scarce knowledge of the positive externalities to third parties/social welfare); and Cases where there is asymmetric information or uncertainty (information inefficiency).[5] Information asymmetry occurs when one party to a transaction has more or better information than the other party. For example, used-car salespeople may know whether a used car has been used as a delivery vehicle or taxi, information that may not be available to buyers. Typically it is the seller that knows more about the product than the buyer, but this is not always the case. An example of a situation where the buyer may have better information than the seller would be an estate sale of a house, as required by a last will and testament. A real estate broker purchasing this house may have more information about the house than the family members of the deceased. This situation was first described by Kenneth J. Arrow in a seminal article on health care in 1963 entitled "Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics of Medical Care," in the American Economic Review. George Akerlof later used the term asymmetric information in his 1970 work The Market for Lemons. Akerlof noticed that, in such a market, the average value of the commodity tends to go down, even for those of perfectly good quality, because the buyer has no way of knowing whether the product they are buying will turn out to be a "lemon" (a defective product). [edit] Opportunity cost Main article: Opportunity cost Although opportunity cost can be hard to quantify, the effect of opportunity cost is universal and very real on the individual level. In fact, this principle applies to all decisions, not just economic ones. Since the work of the Austrian economist Friedrich von Wieser, opportunity cost has been seen as the foundation of the marginal theory of value. Opportunity cost is one way to measure the cost of something. Rather than merely identifying and adding the costs of a project, one may also identify the next best alternative way to spend the same amount of money. The forgone profit of this next best alternative is the opportunity cost of the original choice. A common example is a farmer that chooses to farm his land rather than rent it to neighbors, wherein the opportunity cost is the forgone profit from renting. In this case, the farmer may expect to generate more profit himself. Similarly, the opportunity cost of attending university is the lost wages a student could have earned in the workforce, rather than the cost of tuition, books, and other requisite items (whose sum makes up the total cost of attendance). The opportunity cost of a vacation in the Bahamas might be the down payment money for a house. Note that opportunity cost is not the sum of the available alternatives, but rather the benefit of the single, best alternative. Possible opportunity costs of the city's decision to build the hospital on its vacant land are the loss of the land for a sporting center, or the inability to use the land for a parking lot, or the money that could have been made from selling the land, or the loss of any of the various other possible uses—but not all of these in aggregate. The true opportunity cost would be the forgone profit of the most lucrative of those listed. One question that arises here is how to assess the benefit of dissimilar alternatives. We must determine a dollar value associated with each alternative to facilitate comparison and assess opportunity cost, which may be more or less difficult depending on the things we are trying to compare. For example, many decisions involve environmental impacts whose dollar value is difficult to assess because of scientific uncertainty. Valuing a human life or the economic impact of an Arctic oil spill involves making subjective choices with ethical implications.
在经济学的论文中引用参考文献，具有重要的标志功能、评价功能、保护功能和链接功能，可以反映经济学论文的研究基础和科学依据，可供进一步检索有关资料，共享资源。下面我将为你推荐经济学论文参考文献的内容，希望能够帮到你!
[1]刘思华.生态马克思主义经济学原理[M].北京：人民出版社.2006
[2]叶耀丹.马克思主义生态自然观对中国生态文明建设的启示[D].成都：成都理工大学.2012
[3]陆畅.我国生态文明建设中的政府职能与责任研究[D].长春：东北师范大学.2012
[4]俞可平.科学发展观与生态文明[M].上海：华东师范大学出版社.2007:18
[5]朴光诛等.环境法与环境执法[M].北京：中国环境科学出版社.2004:23
[6]罗能生.非正式制度与中国经济改革和发展[M].北京：中国财政经济出版社.2002: 19
[7]党国英.制度、环境与人类文明一关于环境文明的观察与思考[N].新京报.2005-2-13
[8]张婷婷.生态文明建设的科技需求及政策研究[D].锦州：渤海大学.2012
[9]秦书生.生态文明视野中的绿色技术[J].科技与经济.2010(3): 82-85
[10]陈池波.论生态经济的持续协调发展[J].长江大学学报(社会科学版)2004(1)：97-102
[11]张首先.社会主义与生态文明[J].理论与现代化.2010(1): 23-26
[12]黄光宇.陈勇.生态城市理论与规划设计 方法 [M].北京：科学出版社.2002
[13]张首先.生态文明研究[D].成都：西南交通大学.2010
[14]马仁忠.地理环境对种族、民族特征的影响[J].宿州 教育 学院学报.2002(4)：
[15]冒佩华.王宝珠.市场制度与生态逻辑[J].教学与研究.2014(8):37-43.
[1]陈凌.应丽芬.代际传承：家族企业继任管理和创新〔J〕.管理世界.2003 ( 6)： 89-9
[2]伯纳德‘萨拉尼着.陈新平、王瑞泽、陈宝明、周宗华译.税收经济学〔M〕.北京：中国人民大学出版社.2009:143-144.
[3]彼德·德鲁克.大变革时代的管理〔M〕.上海：上海译文出版社.1999版.
[4]陈凌.信息特征、交易成本和家族式组织〔J〕.经济研究.1998(7)：27-33.
[5]. Toward an Economic Theory of Income Distribution〔 C〕.Cambridge, MA: MITPress, 1974,123:137-139.
[6]. The Wealth of Nations ( 1776 )〔M〕.Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1976(reprint)： 391.
[7]沈建法.城市化与人口管理[M].北京：科学出版社.1999
[8]张志强.徐中民.程国栋.生态足迹的概念及计算模型[J].生态经济.2000(10) : 8-10
[9]张恒义.刘卫东.林育欣.等.基于改进生态足迹模型的浙江省域生态足迹分析[J].生态学报.2009(5):2738-2748
[10]贺成龙.吴建华.刘文莉.改进投入产出法在生态足迹中的应用[J].资源科学.2008 (12) : 1933-1939,2008 (2) : 261-266
[11]郭军华.幸学俊.中国城市化与生态足迹的动态计量分析[J].华东交通大学学报.2009 (5) : 131-134.
[1] 刘毅. 现代性语境下的正当性与合法性：一个思想史的考察[D]. 中国政法大学 2007
[2] 刘毅. 树突状细胞在兔动脉粥样硬化模型中作用的研究[D]. 南方医科大学 2009
[3] 刘毅. 硅基微环谐振腔光信号处理与布里渊光纤激光器的理论和实验研究[D]. 天津大学 2014
[4] 刘毅. 未来移动通信系统中的协作传输技术研究[D]. 北京邮电大学 2010
[5] 刘毅. 基于图割的交互式图像分割算法研究[D]. 南京理工大学 2013
[6] 刘毅. 基于iTRAQ技术对HBV相关性肝癌血浆差异蛋白的鉴定及功能学研究[D]. 重庆医科大学 2014
[7] 刘毅. 整体性治理视角下的县级政府社会管理体制创新研究[D]. 华中师范大学 2014
[8] 刘毅. 几类切换模糊系统的镇定控制设计[D]. 东北大学 2009
[9] 刘毅. 区域循环经济发展模式评价及其路径演进研究[D]. 天津大学 2012
[10] 刘毅. β-抑制蛋白2对哮喘小鼠CD4~+T细胞表达和产生IL-17的影响及其机制研究[D]. 中南大学 2011
[11] 刘毅. SIRT3在原发性肝癌中的表达及其抑瘤作用的研究[D]. 中南大学 2012
[12] 刘毅. 南中国海与东南极中晚全新世气候环境变化记录与研究方法探索[D]. 中国科学技术大学 2012
[13] 刘毅. 晚期糖基化终产物对心肌微血管内皮细胞及糖尿病心肌缺血再灌注损伤的影响及机制[D]. 第四军医大学 2012
[14] 刘毅. 华喦花鸟画研究[D]. 南京艺术学院 2012
[15] 刘毅. 三甲基芹菜素阻断多种心脏钾通道与增加迟钠电流的作用研究[D]. 华中科技大学 2012
[16] 刘毅. 面向人群的并行多目标疏散模型研究[D]. 武汉理工大学 2012
[17] 刘毅. 采用外周血进行肿瘤分子诊断的转化医学研究[D]. 中国人民解放军军事医学科学院 2012
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经济学学术论文一般分为四个部分：摘要、导言、主体和结论。但是我们一般不按顺序写，通常都是从内向外写，从最核心的模型和计量实证开始，逐渐将论文向外扩展。导言和结论往往被放在最后写，因为如果我们不知道核心的论述结论，我们就不知道如何在导言和结论中进行概括和总结。但是为了清晰，我们按顺序介绍一下论文各部分的写法。
一、摘要(Abstracts)
摘要通常只有一个自然段，浓缩了该论文的主要要点和特点。摘要一般要说明该论文研究的问题以及研究该问题的价值，所使用的方法和数据，主要结论及本论文的贡献。写摘要有助于我们集中思路。
二、导言(Introductions)
导言说明了所研究问题的历史和理论背景，对本论文的研究领域进行了解释，引导读者进入论文的主题。一般而言，写导言可以遵循以下四个步骤：宣布主题; 对前期研究进行回顾;指出前期研究存在的问题和遗留的空白;说明本论文解决的问题，以及如何对研究的空白进行了补充或如何对研究的问题进行了回应。在导言结束之时，可以对论文的组织结构做简要介绍，让读者预先就能了解论文的脉络。
三、主体(Main Body)
学术论文的主体部分须先进行文献综述，说明你做了大量的功课，论文因此是严谨和诚信的。你需要对文献进行严谨地分析和梳理;将你的研究放置于其他人研究的背景中;在文献综述的过程中强调你的研究贡献。
四、结论(Conclusion)
结论和导言是遥相呼应的，可以说结论是倒叙的导言。在导言中你引导读者逐步勾勒出你的研究主题，在结论中却开门见山地归纳你的研究主题。但是结论并不仅仅是导言的镜像，结论应该涉及一些超越本论文的议题。
经济学毕业论文范文
经济学毕业论文我们应该要怎么写呢？我们不妨一起来参考下范文吧！希望对您有所帮助！以下是我为大家整理的经济学毕业论文范文，欢迎阅读参考。希望对您有所帮助！
经济学毕业论文
一、 房地产业的现状与问题
近几年，我国经济的发展、城市化进程加快、居民收入水平提高及政府启动内需的政策，都为房地产业的发展注入了新的活力。总体分析我国的房地产业仍处在绿色景气区内运行，但是，局部过热和结构性问题应引起足够的重视。
1、房地产投资稳步上升，地域热点显现
发展经济理论告诉我们，资本积累，投资增加是经济增长的必要条件。没有投资的稳步增长，任何国家都不可能实现从农业国向工业化和现代化的转变。对于中国一个人口快速增长的发展中国家来说，保持一定的投资规模就尤为重要。近两年，全球经济增速放缓，我国经济实现和8%的高增长率，其中投资贡献率高达左右。在国内产业结构在调整中，房地产投资占固定资产投资的比重从1990年的，逐步上升至2001年的(表1)，弥补了传统产业投资增长率下降的遗缺，其对经济增长的贡献率也慢慢显现出来。
从总量分析，在1997～2001年间，全社会投资增长率分别为，， 和，房地产开发投资增长率分别为 ，，和，略高于全社会固定资产投资增长率，但并没有出现1992～1993年增长率高达117%和165%的过热现象(图1)。
房地产开发投资结构基本合理，2001年住宅占投资总量的比重保持在66%，
其中普通住宅占51%，别墅和经济适用房分别占6%和9%，办公楼为12%，商业用房为12%。
从房地产持续投资热点的分布来看，它主要集中在以广州、上海和北京为
主导的三大城市群(图2)，从2002年1-9月的统计数据来看，北京、上海、广东、浙江、江苏、山东投资增长率分别为29.%，，30%，，和。客观地讲，这些地区房地产投资热有其合理的因素，也有令人担心的一面。三大地带是中国经济增长最快的地区，经济的发展、居民收入的水平提高，消费升级换代，大量外资的进入和劳动力的流动都会增加对房地产的需求，但是，与其他产品一样，房地产投资也要以需求为后盾，没有效的需求，房地产投资就不可能持续的增长。那么，我国的房地区性投资稳步增长是否有需求的支撑?
2、销售率空置率，地域分化明显
近几年，购房低息贷款、减免税费、户籍制度的松动是刺激居民购房的三大政策因素，2001年商品房屋和商品住宅的销售率(当年销售面积占当年竣工面积的比例)分别是和75%，其中商品住宅的销售率达到历史最高水平(图3)。
但是，在销售率回升的同时，空置面积也在上升，达到12000万平方米，其中，空置期一年以上的为4000多万平方米，占当年房屋竣工面积的，高于国际警戒线10%。对于空置率需要我们做认真的分析。首先，空置率上升无论何种原因都不是一个好现象，空置率高意味供给与需求的不匹配、占压银行资金多，由此会影响资源的优化配置。其次，市场上任何一种产品都需要有合理的库存。房地产作为一种价值高的大宗商品，其合理的库存期、库存比率应该为多少?以住宅为例，我国房地产开发的房屋多是高层和多层，国外多是一家一户住宅，不同样式的住宅，其均好程度差异极大，因此，就有好卖与不好卖之分。那么，不同质的住宅空置率是否具有可比性，就值得商榷。此外，国外的空置率是以全部存量房为分母，而我国城镇存量房有多少至今仍是一个未知数。再次，地域差别。即便是在国内，不同地区经济实力的强弱，其对空置商品房屋的承受能力也大不相同。1998年东亚危机爆发后，海南空置商品房425万平方米，给当地房地产业和银行业带来重创，留下的是满目疮痍的“烂尾楼”，而当时上海的空置房屋接近700万平方米，占全国的七分之一，却能使之化险为夷，绝处逢生。
仍以房地产投资三大热点地区为例，1998～2001年，广东的商品房屋销售率为66%，69%，71%和68%，低于全国的平均水平，在销售率走低的情况下，施工面积仍居高不下，这就不能不令人担忧。同期，上海的销售率为73%，90%。85%和100%。截至2002年9月，上海商品房屋销售面积为1404万平方米，当期竣工面积为1194万平方米，销售量大于竣工面积无疑有助于消化空置商品房屋。鉴于销售率和空置率是房地产前期投资经营活动的一个结果，因此，全面的、动态地分析新开工面积、施工面积、竣工面积和拆迁面积的联动关系，才能对销售率和空置率的变化做出正确判断。
3、价格基本平稳，结构变化突出
2002年1-9月份，全国一些大中城市的房屋销售价格涨幅较快，其中，宁波南昌、杭州、青岛、上海和厦门的销售价格指数分别为、、、、和，涨幅超前。但是，全国总体平均价格的走势力基本平稳，特别是与百姓相关的商品住宅价格涨幅很小，在北京等大城市还出现了小幅回落(图4)。
可是面对走低的价格，广大百姓却仍找不到自己能负担得起的住房，这就需要我们仔细分析平均价的构成，或者说住宅的结构。我们的统计分析中，只提供住房价格的平均数，却很少提供不同价位住宅所占的比例，或每套住宅的价格。以北京为例，近几年为配合旧城改造，增加了经济适用房的开发建设，低价位住宅的供给增加无疑会拉低平均价格。此外，北京这两年炒“入世”、炒奥运会，城市建设摊大饼式的急剧扩张，大量远郊别墅、高档住宅星罗旗布，由于远郊土地成本低，别墅的平价为7583元/平方米，低于近郊区11605元/平方米，这样大量城郊楼盘的推出，也有压低整体房价的作用。
因此，总体房价的合理并不意味着住房供给结构的合理，单位价格(元/平方米)的走低并不意味着每套住宅的总价位走低。北京等城市经济适用房单位价格虽有政府控制，但是由于每套住宅的建筑面积大、建筑标准高，造成每套住宅总价位过高，结果许多工薪阶层还是买不起。加之低价位住宅的地段不近人意，靠公交车上下班的工薪阶层多希望购买京城四环以内的住房，可低价位的住宅多在五环和郊外，在地铁、公交车等多种基础设施建设不配套的情况下，买经济适用房多为经济收入可观者也就不足为奇了。
4、炒地圈地热，成为房地产业发展的隐忧
实事求是的讲，北京等大城市房价高有其合理的一面，其中“五多”——常驻人口多、老外多、外来人口多、高收入者多和集团购买多都会推动房价上扬;但是，土地市场的不规范，炒地圈地热是造成北京等大城市房价盘升的根本原因。许多地产商借“旧城改造”之机或赶在2002年7月1日《招标拍卖挂牌出让国有土地使用权规定》实施之前忙着圈地，以增加自已的土地储备，致使2001年北京购置土地面积增幅达到173%，在全国名列前茅(图5)。
圈地炒地让地产巨头从中获得了暴利，地价经多次转手越抬越高，房价也就跟着上去了，这种圈地炒地热对北京房地产业的发展可以说是贻害长远。熟话说“没有能长到天那么高的大树”，房地产的价格也不可能无休止地长下去。因为任何来京创业的企业或个人都不可能无视生产与生存的成本，短期的涨价也许在可承受范围之内，但是，当房地产价格上涨过快超过可接受的成本，那么，北京就丧失去了吸引创业企业和人才的优势。香港土地成本高、房价高已成为其经济发展一大制约因素，这难道不应该引起我们的警觉和深省吗?
5、房地产信贷发展 有喜也有忧
房地产是一种投入大、价值高的资产，无论其投资与消费都不离开金融的支持。从住宅消费信贷方面分析，将抵押信贷机制引入住宅市场，对于多年来习惯于追逐的“大企业”、“大项目”、“大笔贷款”的中国银行业来说无疑是一重大突破，对于习惯了“量入为出”的广大百姓来说更是消费观念与行为的一次巨变。个人住房抵押信贷的迅速增长，不仅改善了银行资产结构，提高了银行信贷资金的“安全性、盈利性”，也促进了住宅生产与消费的良性循环。
从房地产开发信贷方面分析，我们可以看到：这几年银行对房地产开发企业的贷款增幅很小，致使国内贷款占企业资金来源的比重一直在22%徘徊。相比较，自筹资金和其他资金来源所占比重却不断上升。那么在企业自有资金不足、多年负债率高达76%的情况，自筹资金主要是依靠预售房款和银行的流动资金贷款。而消费者购房的预付款除一部分个人储蓄金外，相当一大部分来自银行贷款。因此，无论资金以何种形式出现，多是从银行的口子出去的。
那么，靠银行信贷搞投资是否会诱发房地产泡沫、金融风险?在现代信用经济社会，银行借贷作为一种融资的手段，其本身并不是泡沫，能否诱发泡沫取决于资金的投向和使用效率，如果将资金投向市场需求潜力大的中、低档普通住宅，投资的结果可以满足社会需求，增进社会的财富。反之，盲目地炒地、炒高档楼宇、高档娱乐设施，表面上热得不得了，实际上供求关系严重失调，泡沫就不可避免了。因此，分析房地产业是否存在泡沫，银行信贷的规模、增长速度只是一个变量，关键是看资金的投向和资产的'质量。
此外，银行自身体系是否健全也是抵御房地产信贷风险的关键。衡量银行体系健全的基本指标包括：资本充足率、资产质量(坏帐率)、经营管理水平、收益率和流动资产比率等。在1997东亚危机中，香港和新加坡的房地产信贷占银行资产的30～40%，却能在房地产价格大幅缩水时安然无恙，因为香港和新加坡银行的资本充足率高达15～20%，不良资产率仅为3%，而韩国、菲律宾和泰国银行的资本资产比率在6～10%，不良贷款率高达22%，因此，房地产价格的波动使这些国家的银行陷入前所未有的灾难(collyns，2002)。在我国银行资本金不足，不良资产率居高下的情况下，个人住房信贷和房地产企业贷款应在银行资产中应占多大的份额才有利于优化资产结构?在我国信用制度、抵押保险制度不健全的情况，如何提高房地产信贷的质量?这些都是急待解决的问题。
二、防范房地产泡沫的举措
上述分析表明：我国房地产市场总体形势看好，且此轮房地产热主要是消费需求拉动的，与1992～1993年单一的投资热有质的区别，但是，总体形势看好并不意味着不存在问题和隐忧。我们认为，我国房地产业潜在的风险不在总量，在结构;不在速度，在质量。因此，对于不同的房地产热，政府的调控方式也应有所不同。根据房地产泡沫的生成机理，我们认为，防范房地产泡沫应采取如下措施：
1、从土地源头入手，规范土地市场
土地资源短缺不仅是困扰我国房地产业发展，也是困扰城市化乃至整个国民经济发展的一个大问题，如何利用相对贫乏的土地资源为全体国民提供一个公正、平等、富足和安定的发展与生存环境，在一定意义上讲，都有赖于土地资源的优化配置。我们认为：首先，应通过立法确定城市规划的法律地位，以防止朝令夕改、急功近利，保障土地使用结构的合理性，为城市和地区经济长远发展奠定基础。其次，加快建设有形的土地市场，实现国有土地使用权交易的公正、公开、公平。今后，国有土地无论使用者是谁(政府或其他企事单位)，土地出让都应纳入有形市场，避免“黑箱”操作的诸多弊端，且招标并不是简单的价高者得标，政府可用综合指标，包括企业的资质，以往的开发业绩、土地使用方向、开发项目的市场前景等，来确定中标者的资格。这样，政府才可以有效的调控土地供给的规模、条件、时序和位置，同时，有效地保障百姓急需的普通住宅用地供给。再次，建立土地信息系统，各城市政府应对所有待出让的土地、现有土地使用结构、规划、评估价格等信息公开，防止信息不对称为一些人圈地、炒地谋取暴利便利;第四，对违规违纪者应给予严厉的制裁，以保障市场秩序的正常运行。
2、灵活运用利率、税收政策，调控房地产市场
近两年的房地产热，在一定程度是政府宏观调控政策刺激下形成的。在经济紧缩时，低息、减免税政策有利于刺激有效需求，本无可非议，但是，长期实施一种政策，或无视受益对象实施同一政策，就可能给市场一种错误的信号：多次降息、资金成本低会诱使许多企业、个人涉足于高风险的投资，从而导致市场资源配置的失误。为引导企业投资与开发更符合市场的需求，政府应适时调高投资别墅、高档公寓、高档娱乐设施、商厦写字楼的贷款利率，调高个人非自住房的贷款利率，使低息政策更好地向中低收入者倾斜;各城市政府还应对高档不动产开征不动产税，并可采取累进税。这对于中国一个仍处在发展阶段的国家来说，有利于抑制奢靡之风泛滥，而将有限和宝贵的资源用在实现城镇和工业化上。此外，完善市场信息的供给，也是政府调控市场的重要内容。
3、完善房地产金融体制 防患于未然
我国银行业是在金融体制不健全的情况下涉足房地产信贷业务，从外部环境上讲，我国的个人信用制度、抵押制度和抵押保险机制不健全，从内部机制上讲，我国银行自身存在着许多脆弱性，如资本不足、不良资产过高，资产负债管理水平低等，这些都会加大房地产信贷的风险。但是，面对金融全球化的冲击，多次下调利率利差收益缩小的压力，我国银行业迫切需要寻找新的利润增长点，新兴的房地产信贷特别是个人住宅抵押信贷则成为银行业理想的选择。个人住房抵押贷款是一种好资产，但持有比例过高，也会增加资金成本和经营风险，这就是“鸡蛋不能放在一个篮子里”的道理。在美国，人住房抵押贷款仅占商业银行资产的18%，占抵押银行资产的50%，银行资金来源不同，资金的运用也会有所不同。在香港，银行要及时动态踪贷款的质量。因此，我国的银行业应从基础设施建设入手，提高自身抵御金融风险能力;金融监管部门应从制度建设入手，完善信用制度、抵押制度、抵押保险和抵押二级市场的发展，这样才有利房地产业与金融业的共同发展。
4、努力提高企业竞争力，迎接21世纪的挑战
21世纪全球经济结构的大调整、中国工业化、城市化的进程加快，都为我国房地产业的发展提供了新的机遇。我们的房地产企业应该认清自己的使命与责任：我们不仅是未来城市的开发建设者，还是未来城市、地域空间设计者;我们为人们提供的不仅仅是实物资产、价值的载体，还有全新的知识技术、全新的生产与生活方式。因此，我们的房地产企业应坚持“以人为本”的理念，在投资与经营中少一点盲从，多一点理性;少一点炒作，多一点真诚，给消费者多一点实惠。认认真真的在产品的质量、功能与服务上下功夫，我们的房地产企业才能在激烈的市场竞争中立于不败之地。
主要参考文献：
徐滇庆等，“泡沫经济与金融危机”，中国人民大学出版社，2000年8月版。
林毅夫，“东南亚金融危机值得推敲斟酌的几点经验教训”，《经济学消息报》，1998-05-08。
刘树成、汪利娜、常欣，“中国经济趋势分析”，《经济研究》，2002年4月。